faithful friend, was driven from his seat. It was important to the true understanding of this atrocious proceeding, that they should trace back the disastrous history for a few memorable years. He needed not to recal to their lordships' memory, that the father of the deposed sovereign, seeing the danger by which he was threatened by the French revolution, entered into an alliance with us to prosecute the war. In that alliance he acted faithfully, to the best of his very limited means. He acted well, though unfortunately. He was first stripped of Savoy; then taken prisoner in his own capital; and though according to that incongruous mass of lumber, the ancient law of nations, he might then have been said to become an enemy, because he entered into a treaty with France, yet, in truth, it was to be considered, that he was constrained to make that treaty; and even that any treaty he might have entered into, would have been justifiable. But this was not all: even in that treaty which was directed against Austria, he stipulated for an article, that he should not fight against Great Britain; and this was the ally whom the present ministers had abandoned! This was a strong case; but it was not the whole case. The French drove him away from his capital of Piedmont; but he still remained king of Sardinia. At a time when

we

were excluded from every port in the Mediterranean except where our arms had taken post, the French required from him that he should exclude not only all our mercantile and armed ships from his ports, but also expel all our agents. This he most positively refused to do. And yet this friend ly, honorable power, is annihilated on the continent, his name not even

mentioned in the definitive treaty, and his majesty's ministers have seen no material change effected thereby! It did not appear that any remonstrance was made on the measure of his ruin.-Was this enough to rouse them? Let us look back to the progress of events. The treaty was made in the month of March; it was ratified in the month of May; in the month of June, Piedmont was by a formal decree annexed to France; in August, the consular government made a grand sweep and disposal of the entire constitution of Germany, and of the princes and powers in it! Surely, either Germany was not in Europe, or we had no interest in Germany; it was a place unknown to us, or so insignificant or so distant as to be unworthy of notice; or ministers, who put into the king's mouth, that they could not see any material change with indifference, would have taken the alarm at this step. Yet no notice was taken of the outrage, though Germany was the only power upon which we could rely as the means of counteracting the inordinate ambition and strides of the consular government, and though it was a flagrant breach of the treaty of Amiens.-The interests of another ally of Great Britain, were also, in consequence of the strong feeling excited in this country in his favour, to be provided for. The house of Orange was omitted to be mentioned in the preliminaries; notice was taken of it in the debate, and it was promised to be provided for and taken care of in the definitive treaty. LordGrenville asked, was there now any man in England, who thought that an adequate indemnity had been procured for the house of Orange? What turns out to be the case? That it is not one tenth

part

part of his loss; and yet no interference in his favour was perceived. Nay, that was not all. Even the sovereign of Great Britain had suffered in his electoral interests, by their criminal inattention to the fate of nations. Our gracious sovereign had been put off with a pittance altogether inadequate, and unworthy of his claims. He would, he said, forbear to enlarge on this painful and delicate topic, particularly as he saw and felt the impression it made on their lordships: What then must they think of the king's ministers who had seen the measure with indifference, or at least who had taken no perceptible step in consequence of the spoliation?" He had a right to say, that they were cool, tranquil, indifferent spectators of all this; that they dismantled ship after ship, reduced regiment after regiment, sent out orders to surrender Martinique and the Cape, and that in this apathy we came down to the end of September. It was not till October then that ministers took alarm. Something new must have occurred, to have driven ministers at length to take this new position, which made the third proposition in his majesty's speech. That proposition had also his most hearty concurrence.Though expressed in a form to comply with the rules and suited to the language of parliament, yet ministers would agree with him, that it was neither more nor less than that his majesty announced to his parliament, an imperious necessity for an augmentation of the national force; and that they should enable him to do so.-Lord Grenville recailed to the recollection of the house, the only defence which had been made for the dishonorable peace that was concluded the 1st of October 1801; that it was a

peace made in the spirit of peace, and likely to be permanent on account of the disposition which animated the chief consul. What had we seen in all this vapour, but the total want of rational foresight and capacity, with which men who as pired to the high station of government ought to be endowed? The country was deluded for a time, but it did not last long. Not a day had elapsed-he might challenge observation on the word— not a single day had elapsed without some act of insult, indignity, or attack upon Great Britain, or her ancient allies, since that time. But what now had occurred? Was it some change in the conduct of France, some new encroachment more violent and more fatal to Europe than all that was past? Was it the attack upon Switzerland? If this were the cause he might ask, was this more injurious than seizing upon Parma by one treaty with Spain, and on Louisi ana by another? The acquiescence of ministers up to the interference in the affairs of Switzerland, had shown that our councils were in the hands of men totally unfit and inadequate to the crisis: for now that they had awakened from this stupor, and shown some signs of life, they had done it when they could have no communication, nor any concert, with those powers of the continent who could have made an interference effectual. What should we say of the impotence of those ministers, when they made this explosion of rage at the outrage on Switzerland, at the very moment when Austria was making a declaration of the opposite tendency? Why not have taken the moment when they might have had co-operation? Martinique, the Cape, and Malta, three great com

manding

manding posts, were in our hands. Martinique was surrendered. Orders were sent out to surrender the Cape; and it was only a matter of accident that it was not done. Malta, however, was still in our hands; and he rejoiced in the fact. We were indebted for its safety to one of the blunders which had marked their administration. Oh! that all their blunders had been equally fortu. nate! Every man saw when he read the article concerning Mal ta, that it was inexecutable; and to that circumstance, and that alone, we owed its having fortunately yet continued in our hands. Lord Grenville concluded his animadversion on ministry, by saying, that a sense of duty to his king and country had compelled him to express his sentiments on their conduct. He added, we must eternally keep in mind this truth,-that though we might be at peace with France, France was artfully at war with England; as much so as if the declaration of war had been actually made. Perhaps she might choose, indeed, to call the speech of this day, a declaration of war. If she did so, it could not make us worse. We must exert ourselves; we must strain every nerve; we must struggle for an existence; but he had no hesitation in saying, that, if we meant to make that struggle effectual, it must not be under the auspices of the present persons in office. No, not under such men. There was but one man in the kingdom to whom every eye was directed, to whom every heart was attracted, as alone equal to rally the national force-as alone equal to weather the storm.

Lord Pelham said, that was not the time to go into a detail of the nature and extent of the intended augmentation of the force of the

kingdom; though he declared that no sudden nor great augmentation of the troops was intended, nor did there appear any thing in the state of Europe, that made such an augmentation necessary.

Lord Carysfort gave his hearty assent to the address.

He was followed by lord Hobart, who assured the house, that he would not detain them long; as he by no means thought it necessary to enter into a minute discussion of the various assertions so confidently made by the noble lord over the way, much less to speak in detail of the nature and extent of the troops disbanded. When the subject came fully and regularly before the house, he should be ready to defend the conduct of ministers; for the present, it was sufficient to remind the noble lords, that many of the troops were necessarily disbanded, because the time for which they had engaged to serve was out, and therefore the faith of government would be broken if they were not discharged. What he rose, however, chiefly for, was to complain of the injustice of a noble lord, late one of his majesty's ministers, in censuring the king's present servants on account of the dismemberment of Germany, when he could not but know that the treaty of Luneville was made during the noble lord's administration, and that Germany was brought into its present condition by circumstances which were not subject to the controul of any ministers. It was enough for him to say, that the indemnities in Germany were not considered of sufficient importance to prevent our making peace. With regard to the article of the defini tive treaty, respecting Malta, which the noble lord had been pleased to say, was, on the face of it, inexe

cutable,

cutable, their lordships would recollect, that the only difficulty started when the treaty was discussed, was, as to the possibility of procuring a Neapolitan force to garrison Malta: now, so far from that being impracticable, the Neapolitan troops were actually obtained; clearly therefore the article was not, as the noble lord had been pleased to declare, inexecu table. The noble lord had stood up to charge his majesty's servants with incapacity; it did not become him Lord H.) to say one word in an swer to such a charge. He would, however, say, that the present ministers did not seek their situations, They were called upon to take them in a moment of great and accumulated difficulties, difficulties with the nature and extent of which no man was better acquainted than the noble lord opposite to him. While that noble lord was in office, he had to the best of his abilities supported him; but he had thought proper to relinquish his si tuation. He therefore only desired, as he had done from the first, that the present administration might be judged by its conduct. If France had extended her dominion over the greatest part of the continent, it had been under her power long before the noble lord retired from office; and if that noble lord had not been able to prevent such aggrandisement, he had no right to charge the present ministers with misconduct because they were not able to do away that power, which had been created during that noble lord's administration. But he would tell that noble lord, that he could not charge the present ministers with incapacity, without at the same time criminating himself for having relinquished his post.

The question was then put upon

the address, which was agreed to,

nem. con,

The address, in the house of commons, was moved by the honourable Mr. French, member for Galway. He alluded to the prosperous state of our commerce, manufactures, and revenue the industry and loyalty of the peoplementioned the augmentation of our resources as arising from the union of Great Britain and Ireland. He spoke also of the advantages which had resulted from the peace; yet he strongly approved the declared policy of ministers, to place the empire in such a situation as should render it superior to the apprehensions of war; and, if that alternative should become necessary for the maintenance of our honour and security, in such a situation as to, protect us from the consequences. As to our foreign relations, he did not think it at all necessary to enter into any discussion of our right to interfere in continental concerns; that right was indisputable but it was another question, and one of a very delicate nature, when we should stand forward to act upon that right. Whatever resolution might be taken, or whatever the event, it was material to preserve our resources; and under the auspices. of our present ministers that object had been particularly attended to. If, however, they should be permitted to pursue the pacific line of policy they were disposed to, it was desirable that full provision should be made for such an establishment as should enable them to encounter any obstacle. The honourable member concluded by moving the address, which was, as usual, a mere echo of the speech.

The motion was seconded by

Mr.

Mr. Curzon, who was followed by Mr. Cartwright, who touched upon a few of the objects which had already been treated at much greater length by lord Grenville in the lords. He thought ministers highly culpable in so precipitately disarming; and concluded by expressing his regret, that the prodigious talents of the man who wielded the power of France were not met by the exalted abilities of a right honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) who was now unfortunately

absent.

Mr. Fox, began a very animated speech by observing-Some expressions, which fell from the honourable mover of this address, as well as from two honourable gentlemen under the gallery, made it necessary for him to trouble the house with a few observations, explaining the grounds of the vote he should give, and which would be a vote of direct and cordial approbation to the address. Before he proceeded, he should just say a few words respecting an expression in the address which might appear to stand in need of explanation, consistent with the principles on which he should have the honour of voting on the present occasion. The expression to which he referred was that which pledged the house to make provision for the support of such an establishment as might fully provide for the national security; and, while an ardent desire for peace was cultivated, assured his majesty of cordial co-operation in vindicating the national interests and honour from the attacks of any foreign foe. As he understood the expression, it conveyed to his majesty no pledge which had not his fullest approbation; and it was only in conse

quence of an observation made by the honourable mover of the address, that he considered it proper to advert to it. The honourable gentleman let fall some hints about the necessity of keeping up a large establishment: but by the vote he should now give, he protested against any such inference; and certainly did not, by agreeing to the address, bind himself to the support of any establishment of this nature. He thought it necessary to say these few words on this point, to prevent any misconception from applying to the opinion which at a future time he might feel it his duty to submit to the house, when the extent of the establish ment to be maintained should come regularly under consideration.

With regard to the objections to the address, they would be considered in a different way by different sides of the house. Those who defended the treaty of peace when it was laid before the house, would defend it still on the same principles which originally induced them to give it their approbation, and they would naturally view the objections to the address as frivolous and inconclusive. Those, on the other hand, who contended that they would not have made peace on the terms which the treaty contained, would be anxious to break a peace which they would not have made, and to renew a war which they wished to continue. But it might be said, that war would not now be renewed on the same principles on which it was formerly prosecuted, and that new causes of war had occurred since the treaty of peace was concluded. He could not appeal to the house, for the decision took place in a former parliament: but he could appeal to

many