rank, fortune, and character, who had been accustomed to all the comforts of life, quitting their homes, and exposing themselves to a variety of inconveniences while serving as officers in the militia,into which they had gone, not from any expectation of acquiring military fame; not from any motives of gain; not impelled by any ambition to obtain high military rank; but actuated solely by the desire to discharge the duty they owed their country: when he saw all this, it presented to his mind a picture so cheering and gratifying, that he felt a warmth of attachment to a militia force, as well as the strongest sentiments of gratitude to those brave, dignified, and disinterested characters who so nobly came forward in the service of their country.

Mr. Elliot said, that, however disagreeable it might be to the house, he would recommend that the present measure be suspended, in or der, first of all, to try the experiment of recruiting the army in Ireland. He was ready to admit, that it would be difficult, and almost impracticable, to raise a militia in Ireland by ballot; and that was an additional argument against raising it in the manner now proposed, because the force about to be raised had no affinity to a militia: it was, in fact, nothing more than a fencible force raised by bounty; and it was a fencible force of the worst species, because it was to be confined to, and blocked up in, Ireland. If an effective force were wanted, why not enlarge the sphere of its operation. On a former day, he had raised an alarm; and he wished to raise it against the present measure, because it was one which tended to lay us prostrate at the foot of the enemy;

and he was sure, that, if a corps of French officers were sitting in council to consider of the most effectual means of annihilating the recruiting service, and distressing the country, they could not have adopted a measure more proper for their purpose than the present. The honourable gentleman then charged the present ministers with submissiveness to France; and desired they might lay before the house the true grounds of the contest they were about to engage in, that the country might not go to war in darkness.

Lord Castlereagh conceived it would be impossible to take effectual measures of defence, without continuing the militia with the standing army of the country. At the outset of a war, he was satisfied we could not be prepared unless that were done. No man had a greater respect than himself for the constitutional militia of this country; but it was well known, that, in the mode of raising it, even in England, there was a great departure from the constitutional principle on which it had been founded. The law allowed those persons to whom, after being drawn by ballot, it would be an inconvenience to serve, to send substitutes in their stead; and the effect was, that persons formed themselves into associations, and subscribed against the probable risk of being drawn. In many instances whole parishes did so. Now, the only difference between this and the mode proposed to be adopted in Ireland, was, that the people of every county of Ireland, were to subscribe a small sum of money to ensure themselves against being drawn ; whereas, in England, they subscribed, comparatively, a very large sum, with much less effect and re

be appropriated as a fund for the extinction of the debt, with the interest which had accumulated or might accumulate in the progress of the plan of extinction. The effect of this proposition was, that in twelve years the debt would be extinguished. As the great object in view was the satisfaction of justice, the resumption of the splendor and dignity suitable to his royal highness's distinguished station was for a time suspended, and commissioners were appointed to the management of his affairs. In Consequence of the operation of this bill, his royal highness had, for eight years, been subjected to a degree of obscurity and retirement little suitable to the feelings and habits of the heir of a great empire. The amount of the debt of his royal highness, at the time the commissioners were appointed, was six hundred and twenty thousand pounds, exclusive of the interest which had then accumulated and the interest which might afterwards accumulate in the progress of the reduction. From the 10th of October 1794, up to the 5th of January in the present year, the sum received from the exchequer had been four hundred and ninety-five thousand pounds; and, in the same period, ninety-seven thousand five hundred for the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall; making in all five hundred and ninety-two thousand pounds. This sum, he wished the committee always to bear in mind, was not received by his royal highness from the public, but out of the revenues managed by the wisdom of the commissioners. Of sums actually paid, and of debentures which had been issued, and were then in the hands of the creditors, the amount was about seven hundred and ninety

nine thousand six hundred and fifty pounds. The sums then to be received out of the exchequer, and the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall, which would be left free on the 5th of April next, amounted to two hundred and thirteen thousand two hundred and fifty pounds. This being the general statement of the situation of his royal highness's affairs, the purport of the proposition he was about to submit to the committee was, that, from the 5th of January 1803, the establishment of his royal highness should stand on the same footing that it stood in 1795; or, in other words, that it should be a hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds a-year, exclusive of the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall. He did not wish for any change in the wise arrangements for the liquidation of the debts which were then formed.

The nature of his proposition was simply to move-that it was the opinion of that committee, that his majesty be empowered to issue annually to his royal highness the prince of Wales a certain sum or certain sums not exceeding sixty thousand pounds, computing from. the 5th day of January 1803, to the 8th day of July 1806.

Mr. Harrison wished to know what was the amount of the debts of his royal highness not hitherto discharged?-Mr. Addington, inreply, stated them to be somewhat more than two hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds.

The solicitor-general entered into a warm eulogium on the conduct of the prince of Wales on the present occasion, and was the organ of expressing to his majesty the sincere and unfeigned gratitude of his royal highness for the interest his majesty had been pleased to take in what regarded the dignity and

comforts

comforts of his royal highness's situation, evinced, as it had been, in the gracious message which had been sent to that house.-Mr. Harrison, from regard and good will to his royal highness, thought it no more than strict justice, that what was matter of right should not be construed into a grant originating in favour; that this should be fully understood by the public; and that his royal highness should not be exposed to that prejudice which was inseparable from a supposed application for assistance, the result of which would be to increase the public burdens. He was for the motion generally, but contended, that the sixty thousand pounds to be assigned to his royal highness should be described as part of the arrears due to him as duke of Cornwall, and not a sum paid out of the consolidated fund of the country.

Mr. Sheridan said, he would have wished to have abstained from troubling the house, but that some points were absolutely necessary to be explained. He admitted that the proposition was equally satisfactory to those who wished to replace his royal highness in his constitutional splendor, and to those who watched with, a jealous eye the expenditure of the public money. But it did not appear to be admitted, that the prince of Wales, so far from burdening the public, had, on the contrary, made a considerable sacrifice to them; this certainly was the fact, and should be known to the country. He was himself a real friend to the comforts and splendor which his royal highness ought to enjoy'; but he was, at the same time, a greater friend to his honour and character. The prince came forward for the third time. Upon the first appli

cation, notwithstanding the arguments employed by the learned and the unlearned, notwithstanding the vast fund of legal and historical erudition which was displayed, nothing was ascertained with regard to the petition of right. An assurance had been given, that there was no compromise whatever, and that the prince was at liberty to prosecute his suit; but, for his own part, he gave his support to the proposition, because the prince did not come forward as a claimant upon the public, but asserting a just demand. If he conceived the ground rightly, upon which the right honourable the chancellor of the exchequer formed his motion, it was to be understood that the sum was to be appropriated in immediately enabling his royal highness to resume the state and splendor appropriate to his rank. He wished to know whether the house was to understand this to be the real fact.

On a former occasion a sum of 600,000l. was voted in advance to the prince for the liquidation of his debts, to be vested in the hands of trustees; but when, by public advertisement, all the claims of his royal highness were called in, the aggregate was found to amount to 650,000l.; consequently there was a deficit of 50,0001. It was not thought adviseable to make a further application to parliament; but the commissioners, to supply the deficiency, proposed to the creditors an abatement on their respective debts, of no less than 10 per cent. This deduction was not upon claims considered as any ways fraudulent or over-charged, but upon debts fairly sifted, and admitted to be just and reasonable. This, he contended, was in direct terms compromising the honour

of his royal highness. It was not paying, but compounding his debts; and his royal highness, he said, had authorised him to declare, on a former occasion, that he had much rather again apply to parliament, and solicit a restriction of one year more upon his income, in order to pay in full every fair claim against him, than submit to a measure which his royal highness conceived to be so degrading to his honour; nor could he conceive that honour satisfied, until he had paid the last farthing. If then his royal highness were still to remain burdened with claims which he conceived himself bound, as debts of honour, to discharge, it was obvious the chief end proposed to the house, of enabling his royal highness immediately to resume his rank and appropriate splendor, would not be attained by the vote proposed. If it were said he was, in consequence of that vote, to be restored to his whole income, but not yet to resume his rank and state, in God's name, said Mr. Sheridan, let the circumstances be explained to the house; and some definitive time mentioned at which an expectation, so anxiously and so generally entertained by the nation, was really to be fulfilled.

The chancellor of the exchequer spoke in explanation. He was, in more than one instance, misunderstood by the honourable gentleman who spoke last. Mr. Addington then re-stated in substance what he had said in his former speech; and moreover observed, that the commissioners proposed, in payment to the creditors, debentures of 1CO., with an interest of 3 per cent., or debentures of 901., with an interest of 5 per cent. They had their option which to choose, and they preferred the de

bentures of 901., bearing an interest of 5 per cent. The reason of this preference he conceived to be the expectation the creditors entertained of the speedy return of peace; upon which event they hoped the debentures would sell at a premium. As to the resumption of the household of his royal highness, Mr. Addington affirmed, that the proposition would accelerate that event by three years and a half, while, at the same time, it would essentially contribute to increase his ease and comfort. He (Mr. Addington) disclaimed all idea that the present measure was intended as a compromise for the right of the prince to the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall. He felt anxious indeed to prevent any further proceeding on the question of a petition of right. The honourable gentleman (Mr.Sheridan) adverted to other claims against his royal highness which had not been attended to by the commissioners. This he could venture to say, that there was no claim, which, upon due examination, had been found to be valid, which had not been satisfied by the commissioners. Indeed no claim could be brought against his royal highness since the arrangement of 1795; for no debt could be incurred, since that period, without a violation of the act.

Mr. Sheridan, in explanation, said, that he meant no reflexion upon the commissioners. All he contended was, that no reason had been adduced to show why the mode in which the debts had been paid did not argue a compulsory deduction of their amount. debentures had been at a discount of 15 and 20 per cent.; and the honour and feeling of his royal highness must be wounded at seeing

The