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Correct Account of all the Stamy Duties now in Ufe.

Pamphlets of one theet

amphlets of half a fheet or lefs

Pamphlets per fhect, for every fheet in one copy of every pamphlet, not exeeeding fix fheets in octavo, or a lefler fize, twelve fheets in quarto, and twenty in folio

New papers of half a fheet or lefs

Newtpapers of one fleet

All advertisements published in Newspapers pay 2s. 6d. ftamp duties.
Receipts amounting to two pounds and under twenty pounds

Receipts amounting to twenty pounds or upwards, and receipts in full of
all demands

Entry or Register of any Burial, Marriage, Birth, or Christening
Sheet almanacks, and book almanacks

Declaration, plea, replication, rejoinder, demurrer, or other pleading in in-
ferior courts

Copies of wills; depofitions in the Court of Chancery, or other court of equity at Weltminfter; copy of any bill, anfwer, plea, demurrer, replication, rejoinder, interrogatorics, depofitions, or other proceedings whatfoever in fuch courts of equity; declaration, plea, replication, rejoinder, demurrer, or other pleading whatsoever in any court of law at Westminster, or any of the courts of the principality of Wales, or in any of the courts of the counties Palatine of Chefter, Lancaster, or Durham, and copies thereof

On quack medicines, fold for lefs than two fhillings and fix-pence

On dirto, if fold for two fhillings and fix-pence, and for lefs than five fhillings

On ditto, if fold for five fhillings or upwards

Licences for vending fuch medicines, if in London, or within the distance of the penny post

Ditto, if beyond the distance of the penny post

Bills of Exchange and promiffory notes under ten pounds, and payable on demand

Bills of exchange, &c. for lefs than fifty pounds, (except thofe mentioned above)

Ditto for fifty pounds or upwards

Foreign Bills of Exchange and Promiffory Notes are charged with
a duty of 6d. only for each copy.

Bills of lading

Parish Indentures

Per pound on the confideration in apprentices indentures, if the fee be fifty
pounds or under

Per Pound on ditto, if above fifty pounds
Pafports, bail bonds, and affignments thereof, facrament certificates, and
affidavits in the inferior courts

Cards, affidavits in any court of law or equity at Westminster, or in any court of the great feffions for the counties in Wales, or in the court of the County Palatine of Chefter, and copies thereof; common bail to be filed in any court whatfoever, and appearance thereto; rule or order in any of the courts at Weftminster, and copies thereof; entry of actions for forty fhillings and upwards

Anfwer, difmiflion, fentence, and final decree, in ecclefiaftical courts, ad-
miralty, or cinque ports, and copies thereof; copies of citation or moni-
tion in ecclefiaftical courts; protest, and other notarial acts
Certificate or debenture for drawbacks

Libel, allegation, depofition, or inventory exhibited in ecclefiaftical courts,
admiralty, or cinque ports, and copies thereof, and citation or monition
made in any ecclefiaftical court

Original writ (unless precapias) fubpena, bill of Middlefex, latitat, writ of capias, quo minus, writ of dedimus poteftatem, or any other procefs or mandate for forty fhillings or upwards

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Special bail, and appearance thereon

Bills, anfwers, depofitions, demurrers, interrogatories, replications, re-
joinders, and other proceedings in equity
Admiffion into corporations, or companies
Matriculations in the Univerfities

Inventory or catalogue of furniture, &c. referring to agreement, or for the
fecurity of any perfon (except inventories in eccleftaftical courts, and
thofe of goods diftrained for rent)

Scotch deeds, bonds, &c.

Awards

Agreements, where the matter of agreement exceeds twenty pounds, (ex-
cept thofe for leafe at rack rent of any meffuage under five pounds, those
for hire of labourers, &c. and thofe relating to fale of goods, &c.)
Bonds (except fuch as are given as fecurity for money) charter-party, con-
tract, deed, or deed poll, indenture, obligatory inftrument, letter of at-
torney, leafe, procuration, releafe, articles of clerk fhip, apprentices in-
dentures or other deed, and prefentation to any benefice, if under
ten pounds in the King's books

Bonds given as fecurity for payment of money, if not exceeding one hundred
pounds

Ditto, if above one hundred pounds

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Ditto, if five hundred pounds or upwards
Receipt for legacy, or fbare of perfonal eftate, not exceeding twenty pounds o
Ditto, if exceeding twenty pounds, and under one hundred pounds
Ditto, if amounting to one hundred pounds

And an additional 20s. for every further 100l.
Wives, Children, and Grand Children, to pay only 20.
On licences for retailing beer, ale, or other excifeable liquors
Adjudication, apprifings, charter, refignation, clare conftat, cognition of
heirs, heretable right, confirmation, novodamus, principal and origi-
nal inftrument of furrender, retour, feifine and service in Scotland
Admittance to, or furrender of, copyhold eftate, or copy of court roll or
grant, or leafe, by copy of court roll; except the original furrender to
the ufe of a will, and the court book or roll itself

Ditto, on eftates above twenty fhillings per annum

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Admittance to or furrender of cuftom right, or tenant right (not being copyhold)o 4 Ditto on eftates of above twenty fhillings per annum

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Policy of affurance, if the fum infured be a thousand pounds or under
Ditto, if above a thousand pounds infured

Warrant, monition, or perfonal decree, in admiralty or cinque ports; ec-
clefiaftical commiffion, judgments, and record of nifi prius and poftea
Beneficial warrant

Transfer of stock

Certificate and licence for marriage, writ of habeas corpus, inftitution or lilicence in Scotland, or any writ or inftrument for the like purpose Conveyance, Surrender of grants or offices, releafe, or other deed inrolled

Adminiftration or probate under one hundred pounds value, attachment, ftatute, merchant and staple, recognizance and entries thereof, relaxation and fentence in admiralty, and fignificavit pro

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Probates and letters of adminiftration, if of the value of one hundred pounds and under three hundred pounds

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Probates and letters of adminiftration if of the value of three hundred pounds and under fix hundred pounds

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N. B. 20s. more when of the value of fix hundred pounds, and 20s. more when of one thoufand pounds or upwards.

Writs of error, certiorari, and writ of appeal, (except to delegates)
Dice per pair, and all other things ufed for any game of chance
Inftitution or licence ecclefiaftical, in England, Wales, or Berwick upon
Tweed, letters of mart, writ of covenant, and writ of entry for fuffer-
ing a common recovery

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Exemplification under Scal of court

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Appeal from Admiralty in Scotland, regifter, entry, teftimonial, or cer-
tificate of degrees in univerfities, or four inns of court, briefs, and
Newgate pardons

Grants of lands in fee, leafe for years, or other profits, not particular-
ly charged under the Great, Exchequer, Dutchy, County Palatine, or
Privy Seal
Collation, donation, prefentation to any ecclefiaftical dignities, promoti-
ons, or benefice above ten pounds per annum, in the king's books, ap-
peal from admiralty, arches, or prerogative courts of Canterbury, or
York, pardon of corporal punishment, crime, forfeiture, or offence,
grant or pardon of money above one hundred pounds, grants of office or
employment above fifty pounds a year, and reprieves

Admittance of fellow of college of phyficians, attorney, clerk, advocate,
proctor, notary, or officer of any court, grants of honours, dignities,
promotitions, fiauchife, liberty or privilege, letters patent and exem-
plifications

Difpenfation or faculty

Admillion into inns of court, or chancery

Ditto, into any of the four inns of court

Certificates of barrifters, in any of the inns of court

Wine licences, where the party has licences for retailing ale and fpirituous liquors

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Wine licences, where the party has a licence for retailing ale only
On Wine licences, where the party has no other licence
For every cart, or other carriage, with two wheels, expreffed in a licence
for that purpofe, (except fuch as are under the management of the Com-
miffioners of Excife, and thofe employed in agriculture only)
For every waggon, or other fuch carriage, with three or four wheels, ex-
proffed in a licence, (except fuch as are under the management of the
Commiffoners of Excife)

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N. E. No Pefon to pay for more than one fuch carriage, employed in agriculture only, nor for more than three, for any other purpose, except employed for hire.

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Abstract of an Effay on Republican Principles, and of the Inconveniences of a Commonwealth in a large Country and Nation. By John Andrews, LL. D.

A

Nenmity to regal Power has always fubfifted, more or lefs, in this country, ever fince our civil wars in the laft century. The refloration of monarchy in the perfon of Charles the Second, was far from fuppreffing the republican fpirit that had fo violently raged for a courfe of years, to the total destruction of the English conftitution. It cannot be denied, that Charles did very little to reconcile, his fubjects to monarchical government. Nothing but the dread of feeing a renewal of thofe domeftic miferies that were fill fresh in the remembrance of all men, prevented his reign from being embrued in as much blood as that of his father.

The behaviour of his brother and

fucceffor, James the Second, contributed no lefs to render the people of this country fufpicious of their monarchs. Not

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upon all fubjects which will admit of any, that their principal attachment is now confined to the refpective heads of the different factions wihch have of late been fo fatal to this country.

The fuccefs with which republican principles have been diffeminated over the whole face of the British empire, need not be infifted upon.

Multitudes are infected with them in in a degree the more alarining, as they are not fenfible to what mitchiefs thefe principles have a natural tendency to lead, when they are not adopted in that guarded manner, of which only the enlightened part of mankind is capable of forming a juft idea.

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The good-fenfe and moderation of the majority of people in this country, has long been averfe to their admiffion. The mileries produced by them a century ago, are often reflected upon; and we do not feem in the leat inclined to tread in the footsteps of our ancettors, whom nothing but dear bought experience could cure of the infatuation of changing the monarchy into a commonwealth.

But in default of the British nation, a fpacious field was opened to the views of the republican party, in our Colonies. Founded on the broadeft bafis of levelling principles thefe flourishing fettlements fecmed to invite another trial of kill in favour of that object which was uppermost in their thoughts, the erecting a state purely republican, and wherein every trace of monarchy thould be utterly abolished.

How far they have have fucceeded in their views, time only can difcover. The fituation of the British Colonies in America, now become Independent States, is fuch, that the wifeft politicians can by no means conjecture, the future contingencies that may befal them. Their conftitution is at prefent republican; but whether it will continue fo is a point which will admit of difpute.

But allowing that the American republics may Hourish, while each of them continues in a state of mediocrity, the adherents to a republican fyftem of government fhould confider, that what may fuit a people shut up in narrow boundaries, may not be equally fitted for a populous nation inhabiting a large country.

It is principally on this gound that judicious men have in general combated this idea of a commonwealth; and it is purely on this principle that we fhould trenuously refift all thofe who betray a

predilection for that form of government, in fo extentive a tract of ground as the If

land of Great Britain.

If we confult ancient hiftory, we find moft of the great and powerful nations governed by monarchs, and chiefly the fmaller formed into republics. We shall alfo find, that as foon as any republic be came confiderable, it gradually verged into a monarchy, or was ruined by factions.

Conformably to this idea, we find it was only while they continued in a fituation of mediocrity, that the happiness of States has generally been beft confulted by a republican form of goverment. Ancient Greece furnishes ample proofs of this affertion.

Whenever, thro' the acquifition of larger territories, their dimentions fwelled beyond their primitive proportion; whenever they became possessed of great riches and power, we shall conftantly obferve, that the notions, manners, and purfuits of men underwent an equal alteration; and that foon or late their government partook of the change, and either fubfided into a monarchy, or became, thro' its diffentions, the prey of fome more powerful invader.

Thus Athens, after having flourished a long time, while her ftrength and opulence were moderate, as foon as the had attained to a high degree of riches and pre-eminence, involved herself in continual difputes, and in a reflefs variety of attempts to domineer over all her neighbours; the confequence of which was a fpeedy decline, and at length a total deftruction of her power and liberty.

Thebes, in like manner, had no fooner reached that fummit of confideration to which he was lifted by the fuperior genius of her Epaminondas, than he was, fhortly after the lofs of this celebrated man, brought to irretrievable ruin thro' her pride and imprudence.

Lacedemon affords another inftance

of the fame kind. After having triumphed over Athens, her long-dreaded rival, fhe excited thro' her haughtiness a confederacy that foon put an end to the dominion the bad aflumed over her neighbours, and reduced her to a condition of inconfiderablenels fr in which fe never recovered.

The experience of modern times comes invariably in aid of the paft. The republics now fubfting are all of moderate power and confideration; and if at any time they have become eminent and con

fpicuous, it has been to their great danger and detriment.

ow

The two principal republics that now figure in Europe are thofe of Venice and Holland. The first of these, thro' induftry, œconomy, and the almoft exclufive commerce of Europe during feveral centuries, grew immenfely opulent; but the moment the fuffered the luft of dominion to take poffeffion of her councils, the bewildered herfelf in a multiplicity of fchemes which brought her to the brink of perdition, and obliged her to revert to her primitive maxins, in order to infure her prefervation.

Elated with fucceffes

Holland experienced precifely the fame perils, when at the height of her elevation in the last century. obtained thro' the countenance of thofe Powers, whofe intereft had induced, them to favour and fecond her efforts to emancipate herself from the tyranny of Spain, the ventured to treat them with a freedom and boldnefs which they could not brook they, in return, confpired her deftruction; and would have effected it had not the jealoufies infeparable from the intercourfe between great and rival nations, broken the union that had been framed to compass her ruin.

Since that dangerous epocha, the Dutch have been very careful to give no fort of umbrage to any of their powerful neighbours. The wifeft heads of that State have long feen the neceflity of rettraining themselves within moderate bounds, conscious that any further augmentation of power might prove detrimental to their perfent conftitution. But even in their actual circumstances, they are far from being fecure from a revolution in their Their wealth is known to be immenfe, and their territories are fufficiently extenfive to form a monarchy, cfpecially when we reflect how full they are of inhabitants.

government.

The confideration which renders a furmife of this kind far from improbable is, that for many years paft they have been fplit into factions, of which the violence is greatly augmented of late, and which threaten to terminate, as moft internal diffentions do in rich and popuJous countries, in a revolution in favour of fome great and refolute chief of one of the contending parties.

What chiefly adds to the probability of fuch an event is that the government of Holland fcarcely deferves the name of a republic. It has long been transformed into an aristocracy; and tho', through

the moderation of the ruling men, the adminiftration is carried on with great wildom and difcretion, and no haughtiness or oppreffion is excrcifed, yet it is vifible to all, that the public authority is lodged in the hands of fome great families exclufively, and that the democratical part of the conftituents is of little weight.

Another motive inclining one to imagine that a revolution of this nature will happen, is the inherent attachment of the people of Holland to the Houfe of Orange. This attachment is chiefly found in the middling and lower claffes. Senfible that they have no chance of participating in the honours and emoluments of govern ment, and yet looking on themfelves as equally entitled with thofe who are, through family-connections, promoted to them, they neceflarily look on thefe with an eye of difpleasure and jealousy : they are, of courfe, difpofed to bring them, if poffible, to the fame level with themfelves, by conferring the fupreme command upon one, who fhall be fuperior to all, and whofe rank and authority fhail entirely eclipfe and abforb the power and pretenfions of the Patrician claffes.

Holland has more than once been on the point of having a Sovereign. William, the fecond Stadtholder of that name, aided by the intrigues of the partizans of his family, as well as by numerous military, had nearly fucceeded. Had not death taken him off fhortly after his first attempt, he probably would have taken furer meafures in a fecond.

The moderation alone of our William the Third, fon to the preceding, and Stadtholder, prevented him from affuming the fovereignty. The generality of people were fq difcontented with their governors, and fo exafperated at the conduct of the De Wits and their adherents, that it would have been eafy, at that period, for William to have converted the republic into a monarchy to fay nothing of the affiftance he would have received, and was even proffered by the Courts of both England and France.

But we need not go out of our own country to be convinced, by the most evident proofs, that a republican form of government is utterly inconfiftent with the temper, disposition, and intereft, of a great and powerful people.

If we look back to the laft century, what efforts were not made by the republican party in England to fettle their. favourite fyftem among us! If ever that ftood a fair chance to be fuccesfully

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