the topic; he would next present the various details; and he would close with a summarizing phrase or sentence. A good instance is the paragraph beginning "The proposition is peace. This sentence names the topic, peace. Then come several explanations, and at the end the gist of the whole matter, "To reconcile them to each other in the same act and by the bond of the same interest which reconciles them to the British government." The next two paragraphs are constructed in much the same way. The artifices just mentioned are but two out of many, for Burke was expert in most of the devices used in writing good prose.

Every criticism of Burke's style, however, is wholly inadequate. To say that he is vigorous, brilliantly imaginative, at times severely simple, at times florid, to say that he quotes aptly, arranges his ideas logically and is dexterous in constructing sentences and paragraphs, all this is much like saying that a

human being is made up of water, iron, lime, carbon and sodium. The most important element still eludes the analysis of the chemist and the critic. The only way, then, to understand Burke and his style is to study him and see for oneself how "a generous nature took her own way to perfection."

VIII.

STRUCTURE OF THE SPEECH ON CONCILIATION.

The Speech on Conciliation is one of the best examples of Burke's skill in organizing material so that each idea falls into its proper place and contributes its due share to the total effect. This perfection of structure is most easily seen in a skeleton, or outline, in which the divisions stand out clearly. Such an outline may be drawn in several forms, but the one here chosen is the argumentative brief, which is treated

minutely in the third chapter of Professor G. P. Baker's Principles of Argumentation. According to this scheme the main body of the argument is included in the brief proper. In this part the lettering and numbering of heads does not indicate the relative importance of arguments, but merely their relation to the chief proposition. Thus arguments marked with capital Roman numerals directly support the proposition; those marked with capital letters support the arguments marked with capital Roman numerals, and so on. The arguments in support of a statement are always arranged under it the reverse of the order of the syllogism. In cases where Burke has presented his material in the form of the syllogism, arguments first and then conclusion, his order has been changed for a few sentences. The numbers in parentheses in the following brief refer to pages and lines of the text.

INTRODUCTION.

I. The return of the "grand penal bill" gives a fresh opportunity to choose a plan for dealing with America. (3 1–25)

II. The subject is a most serious one. (41)

A. Since it was the most important matter before Parliament when Burke took his seat, he was at more than common pains. to instruct himself in regard to it. (4 2-19)

B. He has held to his original sentiments in regard to it. (4 20-27)

C. Parliament has frequently changed its sentiments and policy. (4 28-31)

D. Each remedy has been followed by a heightening of the dis

temper. (4 32-5 8)

III. It is evident that those who are opposing the action of the government must present a definite policy. (5 9-32)

A. Burke, on account of his insignificance, is reluctant to suggest a plan. (5 33-6 13)

1 Boston, 1895.

B. Yet the situation is so grave that he must embrace the slightest chance of doing good. (6 14-25)

C. And his insignificance will make it possible for his plan to be discussed wholly on its merits. (6 26-79)

IV. Burke's proposition is to secure peace by removing the grounds of difference. (7 10-25)

V. This simple plan, though it has none of the splendor of Lord North's project, and does not propose an auction of finance, derives advantage from the proposition and registry of Lord North's project (7 26-8 15); for

A. The house, in accepting Lord North's resolution, has voted that conciliation is admissible. (8 16-20)

B. The house has gone farther and admitted that complaints in regard to taxation are not wholly unfounded. (8 21-32) C. Though Burke's plan differs from Lord North's in regard to the means, it is based upon the same principle of peace and reconciliation. (S 33-94)

VI. The proposal for peace ought to come from England (98, 9); for A. One side or the other must concede. (9 6, 7)

B. England, as the superior power, may offer peace with honor and safety. (9 10–18)

VII. There are two leading questions to consider: (919)

A. Whether England ought to concede.

B. What the concession should be.

(920) (921)

VIII. The determination of both these questions depends, not upon abstract ideas and general theories, but upon the nature and circumstances of America.

(9 22–10 4)

BRIEF PROPER.

England should secure peace by conciliation, because

I. The condition of America requires this method; for

A. The population of America is too large to be trifled with. (10 5-11 7)

B. The commerce of the colonies is greater in proportion than the numbers of the people (11 8–12); for

1. Such an eminent authority as Mr. Glover has already furnished proofs in this matter. (11 13-26)

2. The growth has been more rapid than any one would have dreamed at the beginning of the century (13 31-15 9); for a. Statistics show that the export trade from England to the colonies increased from £569,930 in 1704 to £6,022,132 in 1772. (11 27-13 2)

b. The whole export trade of England in 1704 was not much larger than the export trade to the colonies alone in 1772. (13 3-30)

c. Pennsylvania in 1772 demanded commodities worth fifty times as much as those it demanded in 1704. (15 10-19)

C. Their agriculture now enables them to feed the Old World. (16 1-13)

D. Their fisheries have extended over the whole world.

(16 14-17 21)

Refutation.

II. The argument that we should use force because America is worth fighting for, is untenable (17 22-18 3); for

A. Force is temporary. (18 4-7)

B. It is uncertain. (18 8-14)

C. It impairs the object. (18 15-27)

D. We have no experience in favor of force. (18 28–34)

Direct Proof.

III. The temper and character of the Americans make it necessary for us to conciliate them (19 1-9); for

A. The spirit of liberty is stronger among them than among any other people on earth (19 10-21); for

1. They are descendants of Englishmen and have the English conception of freedom. (1922-214)

2. Their form of government fosters a spirit of freedom.

(21 5-12)

3. Their religion fosters this spirit.

4. In the South slavery has made

(21 13–22 17)

those who are free still

more jealous of their freedom. (22 18-23 11)

5. Their education fosters the spirit of liberty. (23 12-24 16)

6. Their distance from the center of government fosters it. (24 17-25 12)

IV. Coercion has been found unwise (25 24–26 23); for

A. The dissolution of the assembly of Virginia has resulted in the establishment of a government by "tacit consent " which is better obeyed than the former government. (26 24–27 15) B. Massachusetts has subsisted very well in spite of the abrogation of her charter. (27 16-28)

C. The arguments for subverting liberty in America may be applied to England. (27 29-28 12)

V. Of the three possible methods of dealing with America— removing the causes of the love of freedom, prosecuting it as criminal, and complying with it as necessary - the last is the only one possible (28 13–30); for

A. It is difficult to remove the causes (28 31-29 2); for

1. It is hard to remove the conditions which exist in America; for

a. It is impossible to check the growth in population (29 3-8); for

i. There is plenty of unsettled land. (29 9-16)

ii. The people would occupy land without grants.

(29 17-30 19)

b. To crush out American commerce and agriculture and especially the marine enterprises would injure England. (30 20-31 9)

2. It is impossible to alter the temper and character of the colonists (31 10-11); for

a. Their pedigree cannot be altered. (31 12-18)

b. Their religion cannot be changed.

(31 19-24)

c. Their education cannot be changed. (31 25-29)

d. To annihilate their popular assemblies is impracticable.

(31 30-34)

e. To break the spirit of the South by enfranchising the slaves would also be impracticable (32 1-6); for

i. The offer of liberty might not be accepted. (32 7–11) ii. The Americans might retaliate by arming the slaves.

(32 12-16)