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nizes the equity of not suffering any considerable district in which the British subjects may act as a body, to be taxed without their own voice in the grant.

Now if the doctrines of policy contained in these pre5 ambles and the force of these examples in the acts of Parliaments avail anything, what can be said against applying them with regard to America? Are not the people of America as much Englishmen as the Welsh? The preamble of the act of Henry the Eighth says the Welsh speak a 10 language no way resembling that of his Majesty's English subjects. Are the Americans not as numerous? If we may trust the learned and accurate Judge Barrington's account of North Wales, and take that as a standard to measure the rest, there is no comparison. The people 15 cannot amount to above 200,000, - not a tenth part of the

number in the colonies. Is America in rebellion? Wales was hardly ever free from it. Have you attempted to govern America by penal statutes? You made fifteen for Wales. But your legislative authority is perfect with re20 gard to America. Was it less perfect in Wales, Chester, and Durham ? But America is virtually represented. What does the electric force of virtual representation more easily pass over the Atlantic than pervade Wales, which lies in your neighborhood? or than Chester and 25 Durham, surrounded by abundance of representation that is actual and palpable? But, Sir, your ancestors thought this sort of virtual representation, however ample, to be totally insufficient for the freedom of the inhabitants of territories that are so near and comparatively so inconsid30 erable. How then can I think it sufficient for those which are infinitely greater and infinitely more remote ?

You will now, Sir, perhaps imagine that I am on the point of proposing to you a scheme for a representation of the colonies in Parliament. Perhaps I might be inclined to

entertain some such thought; but a great flood stops me in my course. Opposuit natura I cannot remove the eternal barriers of the creation. The thing, in that mode, I do not know to be possible. As I meddle with no theory, I do not absolutely assert the impracticability of such a represen- 5 tation: but I do not see my way to it; and those who have been more confident have not been more successful. However, the arm of public benevolence is not shortened, and there are often several means to the same end. What Nature has disjoined in one way Wisdom may unite in 10 another. When we cannot give the benefit as we would wish, let us not refuse it altogether. If we cannot give the principal, let us find a substitute. But how? Where? What substitute?

Fortunately I am not obliged for the ways and means of 15 8 8this substitute to tax my own unproductive invention.

I am

not even obliged to go to the rich treasury of the fertile framers of imaginary commonwealths, not to the Republic of Plato, not to the Utopia of More, not to the Oceana of Harrington. It is before me; it is at my feet,

And the rude swain

Treads daily on it with his clouted shoon.

20

I only wish you to recognize, for the theory, the ancient
constitutional policy of this kingdom with regard to repre-
sentation, as that policy has been declared in acts of Parlia- 25
ment; and as to the practice, to return to that mode which
a uniform experience has marked out to you as best, and
in which you walked with security, advantage and honor,
until the year 1763.

My resolutions therefore mean to establish the equity and 30 8 9 justice of a taxation of America by grant, and not by imposition; to mark the legal competency of the colony assemblies for the support of their government in peace and for public

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aids in time of war; to acknowledge that this legal competency has had a dutiful and beneficial exercise; and that experience has shown the benefit of their grants and the futility of parliamentary taxation as a method of supply.

These solid truths compose six fundamental propositions. There are three more resolutions corollary to these. If you admit the first set, you can hardly reject the others. But if you admit the first, I shall be far from solicitous whether you accept or refuse the last. I think these six massive 10 pillars will be of strength sufficient to support the temple of British concord. I have no more doubt than I entertain of my existence that, if you admitted these, you would command an immediate peace and, with but tolerable future management, a lasting obedience in America. I am not 15 arrogant in this confident assurance. The propositions are all mere matters of fact; and if they are such facts as draw irresistible conclusions even in the stating, this is the power of truth, and not any management of mine.

Sir, I shall open the whole plan to you, together with 20 such observations on the motions as may tend to illustrate them where they may want explanation. The first is a resolution,

That the colonies and plantations of Great Britain in North America, consisting of fourteen separate governments, and con25 taining two millions and upwards of free inhabitants, have not had the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights and burgesses, or others, to represent them in the high court of Parliament.

This is a plain matter of fact, necessary to be laid down, 30 and (excepting the description) it is laid down in the language of the constitution; it is taken nearly verbatim from acts of Parliament.

The second is like unto the first,

That the said colonies and plantations have been liable to, and bounden by, several subsidies, payments, rates and taxes, given and granted by Parliament, though the said colonies and. plantations have not their knights and burgesses in the said high court of Parliament, of their own election, to represent the condi- 5 tion of their country; by lack whereof they have been oftentimes touched and grieved by subsidies given, granted and assented to, in the said court, in a manner prejudicial to the commonwealth, quietness, rest and peace of the subjects inhabiting within the

same.

Is this description too hot or too cold, too strong or too
weak? Does it arrogate too much to the supreme legis-
lature ? Does it lean too much to the claims of the people?
If it runs into any of these errors, the fault is not mine.
is the language of your own ancient acts of Parliament :

Non meus hic sermo, sed quae praecepit Ofellus,
Rusticus, abnormis sapiens.

It

IO

15

It is the genuine produce of the ancient, rustic, manly, homebred sense of this country, I did not dare to rub off a particle of the venerable rust that rather adorns and pre- 20 serves, than destroys, the metal. It would be a profanation to touch with a tool the stones which construct the sacred altar of peace. I would not violate with modern polish the ingenuous and noble roughness of these truly constitutional materials. Above all things, I was resolved not to be guilty 25 of tampering, the odious vice of restless and unstable minds. I put my foot in the tracks of our forefathers, where I can neither wander nor stumble. Determining to fix articles of peace, I was resolved not to be wise beyond what was written; I was resolved to use nothing else than 30 the form of sound words, to let others abound in their own ? sense, and carefully to abstain from all expressions of my What the law has said, I say. In all things else I

own.

am silent.

I have no organ but for her words. This, if it be not ingenious, I am sure is safe.

There are indeed words expressive of grievance in this second resolution, which those who are resolved always to 5 be in the right will deny to contain matter of fact, as applied to the present case, although Parliament thought them true with regard to the counties of Chester and Durham. They will deny that the Americans were ever "touched and grieved" with the taxes. If they consider nothing in taxes 10 but their weight as pecuniary impositions, there might be some pretence for this denial. But men may be sorely touched and deeply grieved in their privileges as well as in their purses. which takes away all their freedom. When a man is robbed 15 of a trifle on the highway, it is not the twopence lost that constitutes the capital outrage. This is not confined to privileges. Even ancient indulgences withdrawn, without offence on the part of those who enjoyed such favors, operate as grievances. But were the Americans then not 20 touched and grieved by the taxes, in some measure, merely as taxes? If so, why were they almost all either wholly repealed or exceedingly reduced? Were they not touched and grieved even by the regulating duties of the sixth of George the Second? Else why were the duties first reduced 25 to one-third in 1764, and afterwards to a third of that third in the year 1766? Were they not touched and grieved by the Stamp Act? I shall say they were, until that tax is revived. Were they not touched and grieved by the duties of 1767, which were likewise repealed, and which Lord 30 Hillsborough tells you (for the ministry) were laid contrary to the true principle of commerce? Is not the assurance given by that noble person to the colonies of a resolution to lay no more taxes on them, an admission that taxes would touch and grieve them? Is not the resolution of the noble

Men may lose little in property by the act