These treaties restored tranquillity to Germany. But war, as we shall afterward have occasion to see, continued to rage for some years longer, between the houses of Bourbon and Austria. In the meantime, my dear Philip, we must attend to some transactions that more immediately concern our own island.

LETTER XXIX.

SKETCH OF THE DOMESTIC HISTORY OF GREAT-BRITAIN, IN. CLUDING SOME FOREIGN AFFAIRS INTIMATELY CONNECTED WITH IT, FROM THE RESIGNATION OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE, IN 1742, TO THE FINAL SUPPRESSSION OF THE REBELLION IN SCOTLAND, IN 1746.

FROM the accession of the house of Hanover to the crown of Great-Britain, but more especially after the suppression of the rebellion in 1715, it had been the constant aim of the tories, the natural friends of monarchy, and of certain disappointed whigs, who joined them, and assumed the imposing name of patriots, to obstruct all the measures of government, under pretence of the public good; to represent the essential interests of the nation as sacrificed to a pusillanimous policy, which tamely courted peace, while the treasure of the kingdom was prodigally wasted in German subsidies, more than adequate to the support of a vigorous war, and its honour basely bartered for the precarious security of mercenary alliances, or treaties bought by mean submissions. "And for what?" said the jacobites, when they durst speak out, and most of the tories were jacobites, " to maintain a foreign family "upon the throne, in exclusion of the lineal heir!" Such, and more contumelious was the language of opposition in parliament, and of the pretended patriots in their private

juntos,

juntos, during the whole administration of sir Robert Walpole', who understood and pursued the true interests of his country, but without sufficiently attending to its honour.

On the resignation of this able statesman, the patriots were called into office, and the greatest reformation was expected in every department of government. A. D. 1742. But lord Carteret, the new prime minister, and his associates, not only rejected every popular motion, but went even farther, as we have already seen, than their predecessors, in flattering the prejudices of their sovereign in favour of the continental system. Large subsidies. were at the same time paid to the queen of Hungary, the king of Poland and the king of Sardinia; large bodies of foreign troops were taken into British pay; and a British army was transported into Flanders, to fight battles from which Great-Britain could derive no positive advantage. The war was continued, from pride and passion, long after its political object, as far as it concerned this kingdom, was accomplished: namely, to prevent the French from acquiring an ascendant in Germany, by dismembering the Austrian succession.

Naturally haughty, elated with success, and assured of the support of the British ministry, the queen of Hungary, in the hour of her intoxication, absolutely refused to restore to the emperor Charles VII. his hereditary dominions, though he offered, on that condition, A. D. 1743. to renounce all claim to any part of her inheriNot contented with being able to defend her own

tance2.

1. See the Parliamentary Debates, and publications of the times. 2. A treaty to this purpose was actually negociated at Hanau, in order to preserve appearances, soon after the battle of Dettingen, through the mediation of his Britannic majesty. But it was rendered abortive by a secret understanding or intrigue between the courts of London and Vienna; in consequence of which the British ministry, or rather the regency appointed during the king's absence, refused to ratify the preliminaries to which their covereign had seemingly given his assent.

territories,

territories, she projected conquests both in Italy and Germany. Nothing less would satisfy her than the recovery of Naples and Silesia, though both had been formally ceded by treaty; and the king of Great-Britain, instead of withdrawing his assistance, at this juncture, or insisting on her reconciliation with the emperor, was so ill advised as to acquiesce in the ambitious aim.

The dissatisfaction occasioned by these unpopular and impolitic measures encouraged the jacobites to turn their eyes once more toward the pretender, and the court of France, as we have seen, to attempt an invasion in his favour. Had the French been able to land A. D. 1744. under so consummate a general as count JANUARY. Saxe, it is impossible to say what might have been the consequence; but we can affirm with confidence, that, as the enterprize proved abortive, it was of infinite service to the reigning family. The alarm which it occasioned united all the whigs in the zealous support of government. They became sensible of the hazard to which they were exposed by their own dissensions, on which, it appeared, the pretender had chiefly built his hopes of success.

Loyal addresses were presented to the throne by both houses of parliament, and from all the principal towns and corporations in the kingdom. The duke of Marlborough and the earl of Stair, though disgusted with the court, tendered their service to his majesty, in any station he should think proper to name. Their offer was accepted: both, were taken into favour; and the earl of Stair was appointed commander in chief of the forces in South-Britain. duke of Argyle, who had long distinguished himself by his opposition in parliament, communicated to the privy-council a letter of thanks from the chevalier de St. George, containing the most liberal promises, in case of his elevation to the throne3. People of every condition, in a word, who

3. Tindal's Contin. vol. ix. mollett, vol. xi.

The

had

had any regard for civil or religious liberty, seemed to set their face against the pretender; and all former grievances were forgot, in the presence of so pressing a dan ger.

Many causes of national discontent, however, still remained; all which were magnified and industriously pointed out by the jacobites, in order to embarrass the British ministry, and induce the king of France, to make a new effort for the re-establishment of the family of StuThe inglorious sea-fight off Toulon, and the infamous trial of Matthews and Lestock, excited the indigpation of all sincere lovers of justice and of their country. And other circumstances contributed to revive the popu lar clamour against the measures of the court.

art.

The king of Prussia, on renewing hostilities in consequence of the treaty of Frankfort, beside the manifestos which he published, accusing the queen of Hungary of ambition and obstinacy, (in rejecting the reasonble offers of the emperor) and the king of Great-Britain of fostering that haughty spirit, sent a rescript to his minister at the court of London, very artfully drawn up, and admirably suited to the temper of the times. "I hope," says he," that no judicious Englishman, nor any Briton zealous for the constitution of his country, can possibly mistake the equity of my resolution, as he may at once convince himself of it, by merely transporting to the theatre of England what now passes on that of Germany. For, as every English patriot would look with indignation upon all such intrigues as should be carried on in his country, in order to dethrone the reigning family, and place the crown upon the head of the pretender, and would oppose such practises to the utmost of his power; in like manner, there is no patriotic or powerful prince of the empire, that can see with indifference, and cooly suffer another member of the empire, such as the queen of Hungary, to attempt to despoil of his dignity and authority the emperor lawfully elected, in order to invest with the Imperial ensigns, a candidate destitute of the qualifica

tions most essential to fill that august throne. In consequence of the same principle," adds he, "as no German prince has a right to meddle with the internal policy of Great Britain, or with the constitution of its government, I have some grounds to hope, that the English nation will not meddle with the domestic affairs of the empire: and I entertain those hopes the more firmly, because England can have no inducement to take part in this quarrel from any commercial or political considerations."

Though this extraordinary address, to subjects instead of their sovereign, did not meet with such general approbation as its royal author expected, it was not without its effect: and the shameful languor of the campaign in Flanders made the English nation fully sensible of the folly of engaging in foreign quarrels. The credit of the ministry sunk to nothing: their conduct was arraigned by men of all parties; and they had little family influence. The king therefore resolved, in compliance with the sense of his people, as well as for his own ease, to chuse a new administration, though not to change his political system; the indignation of the public being chiefly directed against those apostate patriots who, after having hunted down sir Robert Walpole, as an enemy to the constitution, and a betrayer of the interests of his country, had themselves pursued more exceptionable measures, without taking one popular step.

At the head of the new ministry stood Mr. Henry Pelham, already first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer; and his brother, the duke of Newcastle, who had been for some years one of the principal secretaries of state. They possessed great parliamentary interest; and, in order to acquire popularity, as well as to increase their strength, they formed a coalition with the real patriots, or those leading members in both houses, who had continued to oppose the measures of the court during the late administration, on finding they were no better than those of the former, or because they thought their merit had been neglected in the

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