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his counsel the efforts of reform. He has assured a friend of mine present, whatever aid the British government can extend to us, will be readily given, as long as the government of England is not openly compromised. Assistance, too, and of a most important kind, and one more congenial to Italian feelings, lies even nearer to the Lombard territory. The King of Sardinia, whose sympathies in Italian independence has often before been evinced, even now is casting an eager and longing glance towards the march of events; and, in my opinion, it would need but a bold determination on our part to fulfil the duty we owe to our manhood, and the glorious recollections of past days, to insure an effective assistance from his army. Signori, I have given you my opinion, not idly

or thoughtlessly, but maturely considered."

When the Baron Pinaldi ceased to speak, a whispering conversation ensued for some time among the persons assembled there; and then a gentleman rose, and proposed a deputation should be appointed, selected from their number, to wait upon Carlo Alberto, in order to solicit his countenance and assistance. The motion" was put and unanimously carried, and Signor Porro and the Baron Pinaldi were selected for the purpose. Thus was formed the second conspiracythe noblest of the Lombard nobility, casting aside ancient feuds and preju dices, had become united heart and soul as one, in life and in death-the Pioneers of Happiness, the Herculeses of Freedom!

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CHAPTER XIII.

THE DEPUTATION.

"L'Italia farà da sè."-Proclamation of Carlo Alberto.

On the left bank of the river Po, in a wide and beautiful plain between the hills of Monferrato and the Cottian Alps, rises Turin, the capital of Sardinia. Its clean streets, its magnificent buildings, its beautiful environs, decked with a thousand charms, render it a city of which the heart of every Italian may well feel proud. But when the Sardinian contemplates it, and reflects that there alone, and in its tributary territories, he can raise his voice freely and boldly, to denounce the vices and crimes of the tyrant rulers of his native land, how far greater becomes his pride, and how earnestly he thanks his God that from those fields spread, from year to year, the seed of life and thought, pouring their way onwards like a mighty river, inundating the minds of thousands, and tens of thousands, with the love of true freedom. In its confines still lingers the parting spirit of a Brutus, and from thence, and thence alone, will arise the renovating power of avenging justice!

In the regal and magnificent palace of the King of Sardinia, a few days after the scene we have described in the last chapter, was seated in a room, at about eleven in the morning, a person of some fifty-five years of age. His countenance was a bold and pleas

ing one, full of expression; his hair almost white; his form apparently powerful, tall, and well made. Before him, on a table, was laid a number of books and maps, and a portfolio containing a quantity of letters and papers, one of which he was busily employed in reading. The person was no other than Carlo Alberto, King of Sardinia.

Carlo Alberto ascended the throne on the 27th of April, 1831, and wast born in the year 1798. His career had been one of the utmost difficulty, and was throughout teeming with extraor dinary incidents. When heir presumptive to the throne, he associated himself to some extent with the revolutionary faction of the Carbonari, who unfurled the tri-coloured flag in different parts of Italy. For this he drew upon his head the enmity of Austria, who, throughout his whole reign, had more or less shown that the recollection of his revolutionary tendencies still rankled within her heart. A short time after he was serving as a volunteer in the expedition of the Duke d'Angouleme to Spain, and displayed at various times, especially at Trocadero, considerable courage, cool. ness, and skill. Recalled to Sardinia, he ascended the throne upon the death of Carlo Felice, and devoted himself

until the opening of our tale, with considerable assiduity, to the improvements of his kingdom. He seemed, however, always to look with an eye of jealousy upon the sinister influence Austria exerted, as if by right, over all the states of Italy, and which she attempted even within the boundaries of his own territory. The tortuous system of policy pursued by the Metternich cabinet, the open professions of friendship made by Austria for his person, whilst at the same time she was adopting secret and underhand means to lessen the influence of Sardinia throughout the Italian states, were sufficient to arouse the pride of the King, and to make him view with distrust the hollow tokens of Austrian disinterestedness.

Years rolled on, and the aggressive views of Austria upon Sardinia became more manifest. In 1846, an impost duty of five francs was imposed upon Piedmontese wines entering Lombardy; and this act was sufficient to paralyse the commerce of several of the Sardinian provinces. Differences of other kinds soon after arose, which widened still farther the breach; and the discovery of a treaty between the Emperor of Austria, the Dukes of Parma, Placentia, and Modena, made it manifest that it was necessary for Sardinia to look to her own safety. Exiles from every part of Italy crowded the streets of Turin, and were openly received with a hearty welcome. All foreboded that the storm of words would soon be exchanged for the battle-field of actual warfare.

For some time anterior to this period there had been gradually forming in Italy a strong and powerful party, led by the genius of a Gioberti, a D'Azeglio, a Balbo. Their objects, publicly stated by their writings, and even by the admission of Metternich, was to form Italy into a 66 confedera tion of states, subject to the direction of a central supreme power." They seemed to be deeply convinced that the only hope of ever raising Italy from her state of degradation lay in the endeavour to unite the democratic and constitutional monarchical form of government into one. Thus, instead of exciting the enmity of Europe, and arraying against them a powerful in fluence, they would be able, by adopting a conciliatory course of policy, to draw into their views, and to

the adoption of their principles, the statesmen and advocates of moderate reform. That their opinions were just, ably conceived, and well suited for Italy, time has fully proved, and even by the admission of their bitterest foe, Mazzini, who declared Italy was not ripe for a Republican government.

At the end of the year 1847, the moderate party had drawn over to their views the Pontiff, with the Kings of Sardinia, Naples, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany; and everything seemed to foretell the ultimate triumph of their yet peaceful movement. However successful such a league might prove amongst themselves, it was ut terly hopeless to expect Austria could ever be induced to join the Confede ration. The whole policy, whereby she governed her heterogeneous territories, was entirely at variance with the adoption of constitutional government, and her whole efforts were bent to crush the hopes of the Liberals. A conspiracy broke out at Rome, formed by Cardinal Lambruschini, a tool of the Austrian Cabinet, followed by an open attack on her part, upon some frivolous pretence, upon Ferrara. Every where her emissaries spread themselves, endeavouring to excite insurrections against the constituted authorities, and thereby to terrify the Pontiff and the other crowned heads, who had joined the Confederation, against proceeding further in their march towards reform. Her efforts were partially successful, yet not sufficient to stifle a movement no power, however gigantic, could possibly crush. The thought had been planted in the mind; it required the grave to annihilate its immensity! Nor can the ef forts of any despotic government be able to crush eventually a people de termined to be free. The fear of ab. solutism may float triumphant to-day; to-morrow it lies prostrated before the spirit of Intellectuality, whose guide is Justice, Immortality its hope!

To return to our narrative. After having perused the various papers before him, the King carefully laid them aside; and touching a small bell that lay on the table before him, a gentleman in attendance made his appearance. "Who waits without?" "exclaimed the King.

"The Marquis Pasalacqua, in com. pany with two gentlemen, sire, re quests an audience of your Majesty."

"Admit them; I expected their attendance."

"So the hour has come at last," muttered Carlo Alberto, as the gentleman-in-waiting withdrew. "The dream of my youth-nourished in boyhood, and cherished in manhood, concealed carefully in the recesses of my heart is near its realisation. Yet strange uncertainty of purpose - the hour is come, and instead of my mind boldly leaping forward to hail its arrival, it shrinks at its approach, as if some terrible mystery hung over its fate. Can it be the presentiment of evil, the inscrutable hand which at times warns us of danger? No, I cannot, I will not believe it; rather let me think this unknown vagueness of purpose is but a feeling of terror at the daring step I am about to take the leap before which expands at every instant the vision I contemplate, in rarer and more glorious colours. here comes the deputation-to-day received in secret-a few months hence, its object loudly proclaimed."

But

That

"Gentlemen," continued the King, as he rose from his seat, while the Marquis Pasalacqua, the Baron Pinaldi, and Alberico Porro entered the room, "it is with pleasure I greet your appearance. I have read over carefully the various documents you handed me at the last interview, and have thought deeply over the proposals of the Lombard nobility. my heart sympathises fully with your sufferings and wrongs, my actions must have proved to you before now, and especially of late. I have used my influence with every crowned head in Italy, to induce them to respond to the cry heard on all sides, by granting those reforms so essential to the wellbeing of every people. From each government I have received more or less encouragement to proceed in the course I have thought proper to adopt, with the exception of Austria, who

has sternly refused to listen to any measures which might tend to alleviate your evils. It is easy, therefore, to perceive, from the impulse given to the cause of reform by the holy Pontiff, by the agitation which prevails through all classes of society by the continued acts of petty cruelty enacted by the servants of the Imperial House of Hapsburg, that at no distant period a revolution will become inevitable. Be therefore assured, gentlemen, that if I perceive, at any period hereafter, the slightest opening where the arms of Sardinia may be of use in furthering your efforts to ameliorate your condition - so deeply do I sympathise with you I will not hesitate to give my countenance openly to your movement. Further I cannot promise."

"Deeply will your Majesty deserve the gratitude of every true Italian,” said the Baron Pinaldi, "by the course your Majesty has so generously promised to pursue. The organisation of the Lombard nobility is fast proceeding; the union of the middle classes and the people will soon be accomplished; and joined with the powerful aid of your kingdom, sire, the liberty of Lombardy, and perhaps that of the whole of Italy, will be achieved. May God grant the Italian race sufficient wisdom and spirit to show, on a future day, how deeply they feel the noble and kingly pledge of your Majesty, which, when known, will raise around your throne, sire, the hearts of all Italy."

"Gentlemen, my earnest hope is, L'Italia farà da sè. The future glitters with golden promises; on the energy and union of the Lombards depends their realisation."

After conversing a short time longer with the King, whose destiny from that hour was marked out, rich with the ancient spirit of heroic chivalry, the deputation took their leave, with hopes elated, and trembling with a joy long a stranger to their hearts.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE MORNING OF THE 18TH OF MARCH.

The boldness with which the national party reared its head in Milan itself, the head-quarters of a numerous Austrian army, would seem to have rested on a deeper foundation. It would appear to indi

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cate an anticipation, founded on a secret concert and intelligence, of that explosion which some two months later occurred in every important quarter of the Austrian empire, and on an assurance that the aid of Charles Albert would be extended to the Milanese nobility, upon the contingency so expected."-Military Events in Italy.

BRIGHTLY Over the face of nature arose the sun on the capital of north

ern Italy, on the morning of the 18th of March, 1848. For several days

previous the general excitement reigning throughout society, from the highest to the lowest circle, had been extreme; and in every public assembly, garden, and coffee-house, the politi cal course of events were openly canvassed, and the conduct of the Austrian Government denounced in the strongest terms. Not even the infamous enactment of the guidiccio statario, which authorised the authorities to arrest, try, and shoot any suspected party in the short space of two hours, was sufficient to prevent hundreds from freely giving loose to their opinions, and to the detestation in which they held their rulers. These decided manifestations of popular will, so unheard of, and carefully reported to Government by their secret agents and spies, were sufficient to create alarm in the minds of the different members which constituted it, and following out the cowardly example set them in France, by the flight of the Citizen King, Louis Philippe, who dared not confront the brave people whose generous confidence and trust he had basely betrayed, several of them openly took fear for their guide, and fled in terror from the scenes of their crimes. The governor Spucer was the first to set the example, and his was soon followed by the minister Figuelmont, who had so courageously boasted but a short time previously, "He held in his hands an infallible means of making the good Milanese forget their idol, Pius IX., and their wishes for national independence;" but which, like all coward boasts, turned out to be but the vaunt of a feeble and imbecile mind, incapable of standing by what it asserted. On the day previous the news had reached Milan of an insurrection having broken out at Vienna, and the intelligence spread with lightning rapidity through every part of the city. But a few hours after, the Viceroy of Lombardy, terrified at the ominous aspect of affairs, fled in haste towards Vienna, carrying with him every article of value, even to his moveables; and this but tended to add fuel to the fire of popular excitement and discontent which already reigned around on every side. Such is gene

rally the dictate of the conscience of those who learn to govern a people, not by their love but by their fears, a coward's flight, with the deserved execration of every pure, honest, generous, and noble mind. Conscience! what a true judge art thou, and how virtuous would not mankind be if they hearkened but to thy silent yet unerring voice, one of the most precious gifts ever bestowed by a beneficent Providence to guide the soul to the Fountain of Life!

It was a Saturday* morning which dawned over the northern city of the German Cæsars, the Cisalpine of modern republican hope. In deathlike silence broke the hour on scenes which soon were to be filled with the forms of thousands of human beings, not animated with the common feelings which stir the human mind to encounter the daily business of life, but with those exhibiting the darker and fiercer passions of nature-ferocity, cruelty, and hatred-revenge, despair, and patriotism! Over the calmness of the scene shone joyously forth the rays of the sun, dying with hues of purple and gold the thick clouds floating over the blue firmament of heaven, as if indicative of the approach of the storm, which was to reign not merely in its own sphere, but also in the hearts of the people, over whose head they floated through immensity. Slowly passed along the hand of time, and then a few stragglers were seen quietly calling at various houses, and breaking by the echo of their footsteps the silence of the streets. Gradually the number of passengers increased, but seemingly, as if by some preconcerted plan, the principal part of the wayfarers directed their steps towards the Piazza de' Mercanti, the Duomo, and other places, where conspicuously were posted large placards, by order of Government. The excited looks and manners of the people, after perusing the contents of the poster, told how much their welfare and interest was concerned in the proclamation, and of what importance they deemed it. The announcement was signed by the Conte O'Donnell, and proclaimed by order of the Emperor

I have noticed with some surprise the mistake made by two or three authors, in attributing the outbreak of the Revolution at Milan to have occurred on a Sunday, and not on a Saturday. It took place, most certainly, on Saturday, the 18th day of March.

of Austria, the abolition of the censorship of the press, and the proImise of the convocation of the States of the kingdom, both German and Slavonic, on the 3rd of July next, at farthest.* Beneath the placard appeared another, on which was painted the national emblem of Italy, the tricoloured flag, and under the words were written" Italians! let your answer be to YOUR Emperor, No compromise. A Nationality of our own!' To arrive at this there is but one course, to arms! to arms!"

The promises contained in the proclamation, which time has shown was but an invention to allay the popular excitement, and thus gain time for new specious pretences,† had, even if they contained truth, arrived too late. It was not merely a more open acknowledgment of law which was required, with its more equitable administration the Lombards desired an Italian dynasty of their own. Thirty-two years of suffering and oppression had taught them the bitter lesson of experiencethe little reliance there could be placed in the faith of an Austro-German absolutism. The hour for slight and gradual improvements to keep pace with the steady march of human progression and thought, had long passed away, never to be recalled; for the hopes held out, yet never realised; the promises given, yet always broken; the wearying, yet sickening sensation of long years of prayer and abject entreaties, unheeded, unnoticed-all had conspired to render useless any concessions whatsoever; promises were disbelieved, atonements accepted as a sure sign of weakness; threats but awoke a louder expression of dissatisfaction; in short, the hour of retribution had come! Terrible, yet how beautiful is that hour, when a people,

weighed down by the sense of a thousand acts of injustice, rise up spontaneously, prince and peasant mingling indiscriminately together as brothers, to claim the unalienable rights of man, sanctified by the voice of prophecy and the Spirit of God-pale and mute in their stern features, offering their breasts a walled phalanx to the foes' bayonet, their lives a willing sacrifice at the eternal altar of judgment !

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At a house in the Corsie dé Servi, at an early hour in the morning, in a spacious room, was seen Porro, and around him collected a number of the members of some of the most influential and most ancient nobility of Italy the Count Martina, the agent of the King of Sardinia; the Count Hasati; the two chiefs of the Borroméo family; Vrambilla, Visconte, Velgiojoso, Trivuszi, Litta, Pasalacqua, and a number of others, whose ardent love of country and contempt of danger, which they soon after exhibited, has endeared them to their countrymen, and enriched the page of history with the example of a patriotism as lofty and as pure as was ever beheld. On the countenance of each person present was seen depicted the strong marks of mental excitement, the nervous twitching of the hands, the face pale and stern in its expression, the body, moving and restless in its motions, all proclaiming that the hour had come! The hour long dreamt of, long thought of, long wished for had come come at length to crush the galling serfdom of years of agony, of torture, of slavery!the hour had come to triumph or to die! On their unity and courage, ay, even on their very despair, depended the liberty of their country; the victory of mind over ignorance, of virtue over vice, of justice and honesty over infamy and cruelty!

* The proclamation was as follows:-"The President of H. I. M. Government thinks it his duty to publish the following news, contained in a telegraphic despatch, dated Vienna, 13th instant, which arrived the same day at Chilli, and at Milan yesterday evening:

"H. M. the Emperor has determined to abolish the censureship, and to publish, without delay, a law on the press, as well as to convoke the States of the Kingdom, both German and Slavonic, and also the Central Congregations of the Lombarda Venetian Kingdom. The meeting will be held on the 3rd of next July at latest.

"Milan, 18th March, 1848."

"CONTE O'DONNELL, Vice-President.

† That the promises made in the proclamation issued by the Conte O'Donnell were never intended to be realised, the author is positive of, for he has seen a letter, in the possession of a friend of his, and written by a Minister of the Austrian Crown, avowing, at the time the proclamation was published, that it was only a barefaced cheat to deceive the Milanese people, for the purpose of keeping them quiet.

VOL. XLVI.-NO. CCLXXIII.

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