the injuries which she alleges she has sustained? If, there were in existence no ground of dispute other than that of the Orders in Council, it appears to me, that America could (especially with our parliamentary evidence before her) never think of peace without a compensation for the vessels seized illegally, as she says, under the Orders in Council. Otherwise she tells the world, that she may be always injured with impunity; because, the utinost that any nation has to apprehend from her hostility is to be compelled to cease to violate her rights. Upon this principle she may be exposed to a like attack the next day after she has made peace. Either, therefore, she complains without cause; or, the mere repeal of our Orders in Council ought not to satisfy her. the statesmen who adorn, and who have adorned your and your royal Sire's court; and, I do not know of any maxim in public law, or in diplomacy, that forbids a republic any more than a monarchy to make such a demand. If we do allow that America has just cause of complaint, we cannot well refuse her indemnity at least; if we do not allow that she has just cause of complaint, we do wrong, we act a base and cowardly part, if we desist from doing that which she complains of. Upon what ground it is, then, that Mr. Brougham expects an immediate cessation of hostilities on the part of America I am at a loss to discover. I am at a loss to discover upon what ground it is that he has made his pledge, or, at least, the pledge which has been attributed to him. Either he must look upon the Orders in Council as the sole ground of the American declaration of war, or he must suppose there to be other grounds. If he looks upon them as the sole ground, he must, I think, suppose that America will not lay down her arms without obtaining indem have occasioned her; and, if he looks upon the declaration as having been partly produced by other subjects of complaint, he must necessarily suppose, that an adjustment as to those grounds of complaint must precede a cessation of hostilities. Besides, Sir, it appears to me, that, even supposing that there were no other ground for the war, on her part, than the existence of our Orders in Council, she is bound, in fairness towards the Emperor Napolcon, to obtain some kind of compensation for what she has suffered from the execution of our Orders in Council afternity for such heavy losses as those Orders the time that he repealed his decrees. If she make peace with us, and place us upon the same footing with France, without obtaining such compensation, he will assuredly allege partiality against her, since she will have suffered us to continue to do with impunity, for a year and a half, that which she made him cease to do. It was, therefore, I repeat it, matter of great surprise with me, that Mr. Brougham should have given the pledge above-mentioned; though I hope your Royal Highness will be advised better than to pursue measures that shall put him to the test. Whatever pledges may have been given by any persons, it is for your Royal High ness to lend an ear to the voice of reason; and, I am greatly deceived if that voice will not recommend to you an expression, as speedily as possible, of your readiness to cause the ofEcers of the fleet to cease to impress any persons out of American ships. Compensation for the property seized This, as I have before had the honour to under our Orders in Council will, I think, assure your Royal Highness, is the combe demanded; and, if the Orders be re-plaint which has, at last, in reality, procognized as a violation of the rights of duced the war between us and our Ame America, I do not see upon what ground rican brethren. There have been many such compensation could be objected to; subjects of difference; many grounds of but, Sir, as far as relates to ourselves, I quarrel, but this is what finds its way to trust, that the means of making such com- the hearts of the American people. They pensation would not be demanded of the would, I verily believe, have endured all people, but would be taken from those but this; this, however, I knew they who have received the amount of the pro- would not endure, and I told your minisperty seized. With this, however, Ameters and the public so long ago. If I am rica has nothing to do: she can only demand compensation; but, she may extend that demand to the amount of her expenses in fitting out ships of war and in raising and sending forth an army. "Indemnity "for the past and security for the future" is, Sir, a phrase not unknown amongst asked whether I think, that the ceasing to impress people on board of American ships would cause many of our sailors to desert, I answer, that I do not know, but, that I do not see why it should? I do not see why Englishmen should like the American ser vice better than our own. And, really, I idea of our exhausting the resources of America, the capital of whose whole debt does not amount to a tenth part of one half year's interest upon our debt. This ground of hope is, Sir, more visionary than any other. Indeed, they are all equally visionary. There is no hope of any thing but loss and injury to us by a war with America. ་ ་ ་ must say, Sir, that I think, that to enter- | sleek-headed man; though he wears neitain any such apprehension squares not well ther tails, nor bags, nor big wigs, nor with the tenor of our national songs about robes; though he dresses in a pepperthe valour and patriotism of our "tars." and-salt coat and a nice dimity waistcoat, I think it exceedingly humiliating to us to knows a great deal more of our real situsuffer it to be said, or to act as if we said, ation than I believe many of your ministers that we must retain the power of impress- know of it; and, I should not wonder if ment, or personal seizure, on board Ame- he knew almost as much of it as your rican ships out at sea, for fear the giving Royal Highness's self does. He is a man, up of that power should cause our fleet to Sir, who is not to be led by our hireling be deserted. Sir, I am one of those who prints; he sees our gold at above five love to believe, that English seamen do pounds an ounce; he has seen acts passed not want force to induce them to fight for which, in effect, force the circulation of their country. It is, in my eyes, a most our Bank notes; and, seeing this, he does mortifying thing to proclaim to the world, not want any body to tell him what is that we are likely to have war with Ame-coming; seeing this he will laugh at the rica, and that we appear to prefer war with America to the giving up of the means of detecting and seizing English sailors, deserters from the King's service. This so badly comports with all our assertions respecting the freedom we enjoy, and also respecting our devotion to our King and our glorious constitution; for, it appears to me, that, if the world believe in the necessity of this power of impressment, it I have now done all that I am able to must think either that our boastings of our prevent this calamity. If the war proceed, blessed state are untrue, or, that our sailors I shall say as little about it as circumstances are not the most wise or the most loyal set will permit. I have lost no occasion of of men. I am for wiping off this stigma; endeavouring to put aside this evil; and, and, without crying or fainting away, as when the result of the contest shall be laSir Vicary Gibbs is reported to have done mented; when those who now rejoice at at Horsemonger Lane, I am for showing the idea of doing mischief to free men, the Yankees and the whole world, that we shall be weeping over their folly, I trust want no terror to keep our seamen to their that your Royal Highness will have the duty; that we are not afraid of their sculk-justice to remember, that this war had ing from our fleet to take refuge in Ame- always a decided opponent in your faithful rican ships; that we entertain not the dis- servant, graceful apprehension, that those who have once had the honour to sail under the royal flag of the House of Hanover will Botley, 15th September, 1812. ever prefer that of the American or any other republic. Honour, Sir, as well as policy seem to me to dictate the giving up of this power; and, as the giving of it up might, and, as I think, would cause the restoration of peace between England and America, I will not be persuaded that such a measure does not accord with the wishes of your Royal Highness. WM. COBBETT. SUMMARY OF POLITICS. PAPER AGAINST GOLD. By the last price current I see that the Gold Coin is now £5. 8s. the ounce in Bank notes. Of course a real guinea will sell for about £1. 10s. The following article from the Morning Chronicle of the 15th instant contains very curious matter upon this subject. "The scarcity of money becomes every As to "the exhausting of the resources "day more and more inconvenient. Per"of America, which now begins to be" sons, evidently agents, with great pow talked off by that most corrupt of news- ers of drawing on London Bankers, have papers, the TIMES, I do most earnestly" opened accounts with Country Bankers, beseech your Royal Highness to bear in" for the purpose of getting their local mind how long the late PITT promised "notes; and with these they go into shops, this deluded nation that he would exhaust" fairs, and even Farmers' houses, to buy the resources of republican France! Sir," up guineas, as well as silver. They pay Mr. Madison, though a very plain-dressed," for them in these country bank notes, 66 66 66 lation. Real gold and silver will not keep company with our paper, unless one is to be bought and sold with the other, and then each will fetch its real value.The Local Token bill must be repealed before it goes into operation, or there must be a great issue of tokens some where to supply the place of those now in circulation; for, otherwise no trade can possibly be carried on.- -Were it not for the national debt all would be easily settled; but, indeed, it is that Debt which has made all the paper. They began together, and together they will live as long as they can. What will be "which they may do lawfully, and thus "the specie is collected from every part of the kingdom. It is suspected that these agents, unknown even to themselves, are employed by THE HIGHEST AU"THORITY.—This is the natural con" sequence of the system which has been pursued; and the consequence already "is, that every pound sterling which we "have to pay even to our own troops "abroad, costs us thirty shillings. Our army, however, must be paid, and we are so far involved that we must go on. "As soon as Parliament meets, which, "whether there is a general Election or not, must be before Christmas, some strong measure must be adopted for the supply of specie. There is an idea of "calling in, and paying in Bank notes for "all the plate in the Kingdom. But that "would obviously afford no relief-since if "the price of bullion is the cause of the "disappearance of specie now, it would "equally disappear then; and the quantity " of plate in the Island is not great. This cannot be true; or, at least, I think it impossible that any persons intrusted with any power above that of a ticket porter, should entertain the notions here ascribed to the "highest authority."- -But, as to the state of the finances of the country, there is no exaggeration there. This part of our public concerns is fast drawing to a crisis. When a guinea is worth 30s. men ought to look about them. This, though the natural consequence of war, and though the thing must be made more and more desperate by the continuance of war, is one of the grand impediments to peace. It was, indeed, one of the real causes of this present war. The paper is in such a state that it cannot support itself against the effects of a free intercourse with France. done about the pay of the Judges, &c. &c. who have fixed annual, or daily, sums, I hardly know; for, if the gold should get to about £7. 14s. an ounce, a one pound note will be worth only half as much as it used to be; and yet, times will not be very favourable to the raising of the pay of any of the people in public employment.. When people talk of dearness, they forget how the paper has fallen in value. If a guinea be worth 30s. a load of wheat which sells for £30. does, in fact, sell for only about £20., and so on as to other things.- -Hume foretold exactly what is now taking place; and I would advise the ministers to read his book. They will derive much more profit from him than from the Morning Chronicle, who now complains of our system. Alas! Mr. Perry, it is too late to recover things. Pitt decided its fate. It may be made to go on a little faster or a little slower; but its end will be the same; and all that is worth talking about is, what are the consequences that it will produce as to the liberty and independence of the nation. This is indeed a question worthy of being discussed by men of real wisdom; but the Prince Regent will, I am afraid, look about him in vain for many men of that description. If there were a man in power endued with profound insight as to this subject; a man capable of foreseeing what would happen and of providing accordingly, he would have in his hands more power to do good than ever before fell to the lot of a human being.-One thing is certain, that every man in the country thinks that some great change is at hand. Every man thinks this, except those men who never think beyond their own particular interests, and who occupy in the creation a rank little superior to that of the badger or the otter. Of men who do think, who have minds, and who extend their wishes to the well-being of -I do not see any reason to suppose, that the depreciation will not proceed as rapidly as it has done for two years last past. It began to be sensibly felt and clearly understood very soon after I was shut up in Newgate, for the cause mentioned in the last page of this Register. The matter was then made so very plain, that those began to see who had been blind all the days of their lives. So that, there was, at any rate, one good that resulted from my suffering. I made clowns able financiers; or, at least, as able as Pitt and his set, if not a little more so.- -To return to the matter before us; the buying up of the plate would be nonsense. It would disappear the moment it got into circu others; who have some sentiment of honour, who know what freedom and what country mean; of such men there is not one, who does not expect to see some great event in England; but, no one has an opinion as to what it is to be. It is truly curious to observe with what eagerness those who still adhere to the name of Pitt get rid of every topic connected with the paper-money. They are afraid to think on the subject. But, their avoiding it will not prevent what is to happen.- -The remedy of which I possess the knowledge would do much; but, I do not flatter myself that it will ever be called for in a way that shall induce me to divulge it. WM. COBBETT. Bolley, 16th September, 1812. wherever we pleased, till the cruel disre gard of some English Gentlemen to the comforts of their fellow-prisoners, occa sioned our being confined in fortresses on their effecting their escape.—I had passed more than two years in the fortress of Verdun, when I learnt that Mr. Fox had, at the command of the Prince of Wales, to whose gracious interference I am proud to owe my liberation from captivity, applied for and obtained my return to England on parole of honour, to go back to France whenever my return should be demanded. A similar parole was signed by the Earl of Elgin and General Abercromby, and we sailed together from Morlaix in May, 1806. Upon my being sent back to Paris, almost immediately afterwards, by Mr. Fox, I de manded and obtained my release from this parole, as a necessary preliminary to my being under the protection afforded by the Law of Nations to diplomatic Agents.Since it has thus become necessary for me to recur to the year 1806, I take this opportunity of adding to the papers, then published, the instructions accompanying Mr. Fox's dispatch of the 18th July. These instructions I owe it to myself to publish LORD YARMOUTH'S LETTER To the Editor of the Courier. SIR-Your Paper of yesterday, which I have just seen on my return from Windsor, contains, under the head Foreign News, this extract from the Gazelle de France, asserting as impudent and scandalous a false-in refutation of the charge once advanced, hood as any that ever disgraced the press 66 "Lord YARMOUTH, and his worthy imitators, obtained their liberty under the "guarantee of their parole. In violating "that guarantee, they have offended the "delicate sentiment of honour. Lord Yar"mouth was the first to set an example, so "much the more fatal, as its author is of "the most elevated rank."I have always avowed, both at Veidun and at home, my opinion, that the detention of the EngJish in 1803, however cruel, by its being a measure never resorted to on former occasions, was justified by the seizure of French property and French subjects in British ports, before our Ambassador had ceased to exercise the functions of his high office at Paris. This opinion left me no pretext, however miserable, for the breach of a parole of honour. Since, however, a charge of its violation has been brought forward in the French papers, and repeated with various comments in the English, I am compelled to clear myself, which I shall do in a few words, premising, that I can support my assertion by the original passports signed by the French Minister.-In May 1803 the English in France were declared prisoners of war, and as such gave their parole of honour.-For several months I and many others were permitted to reside and now revived, of having, contrary to the tenor of my instructions, produced His Majesty's full powers at a time when (22d July) no choice remained but to do so or break off the negociation. It will, of course, be remembered, that M. D'Oubril had then concluded a treaty, and that he used all the weight belonging to the Minister of so great a friendly power, to obtain an official character to be attached to the British negociation. No obloquy could induce me, for obvious reasons, to make this document public in 1806-7; it is now harmless, and I have a right to add it to the official papers of that year.The story of M. de Clermont and the snuffbox, in 1811, is private, and of no moment, nor should I notice it, but that the pen is in my hand. It is entirely unfounded, never having received that or any other mark of the French Emperor's recollection or approbation, then or at any other time. I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient humble servant, London, 13th August, 1812. YARMOUTH. P. S. It is usual to direct one's letter to some friend who will give it publicity; I have taken a shorter course, that of sending it to the press in the first instance. Instructions accompanying Mr. Fox's Dispatch of July 18. ON ONE HAND. "The cession of Sicily is intolerable, because the retaining it was proposed to us as an inducement for relinquish ing our favourite mode of negociation: if it be ceded, the following difficulties will besides occur: "First, where to find an equivalent:-an equivalent for a posses sion we can keep, in spite of the French, ought to be of the same nature likewise. How can this apply to Dalmatia, or other places that have been men tioned? Nay, even strictly, to the ex-Venetian territories, where even there seems to be little chance of obtaining? 66 Secondly, It is not possible to surrender to the enemy the only remaining portion of the King of Naples' dominions, without obtaining some adequate, or nearly adequate, compensation for that Prince.-Such an application of the Hans Towns appears absurd upon the face of it; and till further explanation shall have been made, one can hardly conceive any country upon the Adriatic where the said Prince can be in any degree of security. Thirdly,-The distance of Malta from any friendly country, and consequently from any certain source of supply, may render the possession of that island to us extremely diffi. cult, at least, if not precarious. ON THE OTHER HAND. "The allowing the In such ashamed of in such a transaction. If we hold selves completely des- Hanover OFFICIAL PAPERS. The Provisional Commissioners of the Government of the Duchy of Lithuania to the Clergy of the Diocese of Wilna. (Continued from page 350.) provisional Government of Lithuania, in will remain in the pow. Wilna, July 16. His Majesty has erected upon the right bank of the Vilia au intrenched camp, surrounded by redoubts; and constructed a citadel upon the mountain on which was the ancient palace of Jagillons. Thus, two bridges upon piles are being constructed. Three bridges upon rafts are already esta blished. On the 8th His Majesty reviewed a part of his guard, composed of Laborde "Under these circumstances I am of and Roguet's divisions, commanded by opinion that, at any rate, time ought to be Marshal the Duke of Treviso, and the old gained, and that our endeavour ought to guard under the orders of Marshal the Duke be, if possible, to make some arrangement, of Dantzic, in front of the intrenched camp. which, though exceptionable, might ob- The fine appearance of these troops excited tain to us the two grand points-Hanover, general admiration.-On the 4th, Marshal, and the preservation of our Russian con- the Duke of Tarentum, set out from his nexion.-N. B. Corsica, Sardinia, Ma-head-quarters in Rossien, the capital: of jorca, and Minorca, might all, or any of them, be useful in producing such an arFangement." (Sent July 16, 1806, with the Dispatch. Samogitia, one of the handsomest and most fertile provinces in Poland; the General of Brigade, Baron Ricard, with a part of the 7th division, to march upon Poniewicz; |