"We have the following testimony in Hume's Appendix to his account of the reign of James I. What chiefly renders the reign of James memorable, is the commencement of the English colonies in America; colonies established on the noblest footing that has been known in any age or nation.'

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Speculative reasoners, during that age, raised many objections to the planting those remote colonies; and foretold, that, after draining their mother country of inhabitants, they would soon shake off her yoke, and erect an independent government in America.'

"In the excellent article on the British colonies, of Postlethwayt's Universal Dictionary of Trade, there is a more particular statement to the same effect.

"It is certain that from the very time Sir Walter Raleigh, the father of our English colonies, and his associates, first projected these establishments, there have been persons who have found an interest in misrepresenting or lessening the value of them. When the intention of improving these distant countries, and the advantages that were hoped for thereby, were first set forth, there were some who treated them not only as chimerical, but as dangerous: They not only insinuated the uncertainty of the success, but the depopulating the nation. These, and other objections, flowing either from a narrowness of understanding or of heart, have been disproved by experience,' &c. &c.

"The difficulties which will always attend such kind of settlements at the beginning, proved a new cause of clamour; many malignant suggestions were made about sacrificing so many Englishmen to the obstinate desire of settling colonies in countries, which produced very little advantage. But, as these difficulties were gradually surinounted, those complaints vanished. No sooner were those lamentations over, than others arose in their stead; when it could no longer be said that the colonies were useless, it was alleged that they were not useful enough to their mother country; that while we were loaded with taxes they were absolutely free; that the planters lived like princes, while the inhabitants of England laboured hard for a tolerable subsistence. This produced customs and impositions on plantation commodities,' &c. &c.

"Within little more than a generation after the commencement of the plantations, the royal government anxiously began those formal inquiries into their population and manufactures, which were so often renewed until the period of our revolt, and of which the results, as to manufactures, served to place the jealousy that provoked them in a ludicrous and pitiable light. In the reign of Charles I. commissioners were deputed to ascertain the growth and dispositions of New-England. And we find her agent in London, in the time of Cromwell, informing one of his constituents, that, even then, there were not wanting many in England, to whom her privileges were matter of envy, and who eagerly watched every opportunity of abridging her political liberties and faculties of trade. Besides emissaries of the description just mentioned, the ministry of Charles II. despatched spies to watch over the conduct and views of the royal governors in America. From the same motive, printing presses were denied to the plantations. We are told by Chalmers, that "no printing press was allowed in Virginia" that "in New-Eng

land and New-York there were assuredly none permitted," and that "the other provinces probably were not more fortunate." When Andros was appointed by James II. captain-general of all the northern colonies, he was instructed "to allow of no printing press." In an official report of Sir William Berkeley, governor of Virginia, dated 20th June, 1671, there is the following characteristic passage;-"I thank God we have no free schools, nor any printing; and I hope we shall not have them these hundred years. For learning has brought disobedience, and heresy, and sects into the world, and printing has divulged them and libels against the best government: God keep us from both." Accordingly, every effort was made to shut out the pestilent tree of knowledge. On the appointment of Lord Effingham to the government of Virginia, in 1683, he was ordered, agreeably to the prayer of Sir William Berkley, "to allow no person to use a printing press on any occasion whatever."

"The erect port, and firm tone, of the legislature of the infant Massachusetts, not only filled the cabinet of Charles II. with alarm for the metropolitan sovereignty, but actually overawed them, so as to prevent the measures of repression which would otherwise have been pursued; and to maintain the province in the license of action necessary for its prosperity. Curious and remarkable evidence on these heads is extant in the Memoirs of Evelyn, who was one of the council of Charles II. His language deserves to be quoted.

"The 6th of May, 1670, I went to council, where was produced a most exact and ample information of the state of Jamaica, and of the best expedients as to New-England, on which there was a long debate; but at length 'twas concluded that, if any, it should be only a conciliating paper at first, or civil letter, till we had better information of the present face of things, since we understood they were a people almost upon the very brink of renouncing any dependence ou the crown.'-Vol. i. p. 415.

"The first thing we did at our next meeting, was to settle the form of a circular letter to the governors of all his Majesty's plantations and territories in the West Indies and Islands thereof, to give them notice to whom they should apply themselves on all occasions, and to render us an account of their present state and government, but what we most insisted upon was, to know the condition of New-England, which appearing to be very independent as to their regard to Old England or his Majesty, rich and strong as they now were, there were great debates in what style to write to them; for the condition of that colony was such, that they were able to contest with all other plantations about them, and there was fear of their breaking from all dependence on this nation.'-Ibid.

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"The matter in debate in council on the 3d of August, 1671, was, whether we should send a deputy to New-England, requiring them of the Massachusetts, to restore such to their limits and respective possessions as had petitioned the council; this to be the open commission only, but in truth with secret instructions to informe the council of the condition of those colonies, and whether they were of such power as to be able to resist his Majesty, and declare for themselves as independent of the crowne, which we are told, and which of late years

• Political Annals of the United Colonies, chap. 15.

made them refractorie. Coll. Middleton being called in, assur'd us they might be curb'd by a few of his Majesty's first rate fregats, to spoil their trade with the Islands; but tho' my Lord President was not satisfied, the rest were, and we did resolve to advise his Majesty to send commissioners with a formal commission for adjusting boundaries, &c. with some other instructions.'-p.

417.

"We deliberated in council, on the 12th of January, 1672, on some fit person to go as commissioner to inspect their actions in New-England, and from time to time report how that people stood affected.'-p. 423.

"When the real amount of the "riches and strength, and the power to resist," mentioned in these extracts, is traced in the returns made from New-England at the era in question, it is difficult to think of the apprehensions of the British court. with any degree of seri

ousness.

"The fisheries, shipping, and foreign West India trade of the colonies had scarcely become perceptible, before the British merchants and West India planters caught and sounded the alarm. As soon as the colonists, in the progress of wealth and population, undertook to manufacture, for their own consumption, a few articles of the first necessity, such as hats, paper, &c. a clamour was raised

the manufacturers in England, and the power of the British government was exerted to remove the cause of the complaint. The Discourse on Trade, of Sir Josiah Child, a work published in 1670, but written in 1665, and long considered as of the highest authority, expresses, in the passages which I am about to quote, the prevailing opinions of the day.

"Certainly it is the interest of England to discountenance and abate the number of planters at Newfoundland, for if they should increase, it would in a few years happen to us, in relation to that country, as it has to the fishery at New-England, which many years since was managed by English ships from the western ports; but as plantations there increased, it fell to the sole employment of people settled there, and nothing of that trade left the poor old Englishmen, but the liberty of carrying now and then, by courtesy or purchase, a ship load of fish to Bilboa, when their own New-English shipping are better employed, or not at leisure to do it.'

New-England is the most prejudicial plantation to this kingdom.-I am now to write of a people, whose frugality, industry and temperance, and the happiness of whose laws and institutions, promise to them long life, with a wonderful increase of people, riches and power; and although no men ought to envy that virtue and wisdom in others, which themselves either can or will not practise, but rather to commend and admire it; yet I think it is the duty of every good man primarily to respect the welfare of his native country; and therefore, though I may offend some whom I would not willingly displease, I cannot omit, in the progress of this discourse, to take notice of some particulars, wherein Old England suffers diminution by the growth of the colonies settled in New-England."

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Of all the American plantations, his majesty has none so apt for the building of shipping as New-England, nor any comparably so qualified for the breeding of seamen, not only by reason of the natural industry of that people, but principally by reason of their cod and mackerel fisheries; and in my poor opinion, there is nothing more prejudicial, and in prospect more dangerous to any mother kingdom, than the increase of shipping in her colonies, plantations, or provinces,' &c-Chap. 10.

"Illustrations of the spirit testified in these extracts from Child may be collected from the work of Joshua Gee, "On the Trade and Navigation of Great Britain," published at the beginning of the eighteenth century, and also held in great estimation. The following passages are from his thirty-first chapter.

"But before I proceed to show the great advantage those additional materials would be to carry on the aforesaid manufactures, I think proper to take notice of an objection made by some gentlemen, which is, that if we encourage the plantations, they will grow rich, and set up for themselves, and cast off the English government.'

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I have considered those objections abundance of times, the oftener I think of them, the less ground I see for such doubts and jealousies.'

"It must be allowed, New-England has shewn an uncommon stiffness. We think, however, all judicious men, when they come to examine thoroughly into their fears, will see they are groundless; and that as it seems impossible for the other colonies to join in any such design, so nothing could be more against their own interest: For, if New-England should ever attempt to be independent of this kingdom, the stopping their supplying the sugar islands, and coasting and fishing trade, would drive them to the utmost difficulties to subsist as aforesaid; and of consequence the part they have in that trade would fall into hands of other colonies, which would greatly increase their riches. But if some turbulent spirited men should ever be capable of raising any defection, a small squadron of light frigates would entirely cut off their trade, and if that did not do, the government would be forced, contrary to their practice, to do what other nations do of choice, viz. place standing forces among them to keep them in order, and oblige them to raise money to pay them. We do not mention this with any apprehension that ever they will give occasion, but to shew the consequences that must naturally follow."

"Some persons who endeavour to represent this colony in the worst light, would persuade us they would put themselves under a foreign power, rather than not gratify their resentments,' &c.

"Now as people have been filled with fears, that the colonies, if encouraged to raise rough materials, would set up for themselves; a little regulation would remove all those jealousies out of the way, as aforesaid,' &c.

"It is to be hoped this method would allay the heat that some people have shewn (without reason) for destroying the iron works in the plantations, and pulling down all their forges; taking away in a violent manner, their estates and properties, preventing the husbandmen from getting their plough-shares, carts, or other utensils mended; destroying the manufacture of ship building, by depriving them of the liberty of making bolts, spikes, or other things proper for carrying on that work by which article, returns are made for purchasing woollen manufactures, which is of more than ten times the profit that is brought into the kingdom by the exports of iron manufactures.'

"The present age is so far unacquainted with the cause of the increase of our riches, that they rather interrupt than encourage it, and instead of enlarging, lay hold of some small trifling things, which they think may touch their private interest, rather than promote the general good; and if they think any commodity from the plantations interferes with something we have at home, some hasty step is taken to prevent it; so that for the sake of saving a penny, we often deprive ourselves of things of a thousand times the value." "

"The report made in 1731, at the command of the British Parliament, by the Board of Trade and Plantations, concerning the "trades carried on, and manufactures set up, in the colonies," betrays much disquietude, and recommends that. "some expedient be fallen

upon to direct the thoughts of the colonists from undertakings of this kind; so much the rather, because these manufactures in process of time, may be carried on in a greater degree, unless an early stop be put to their progress." The report carefully notes that in NewEngland" by a paper mill set up three years ago, they make to the value of 2001. sg. yearly." The measures adopted by the parliament in 1732 and 1733, were symptomatic of the morbid sensibility common to all classes of politicians as well as traders. By the act "for the better securing and encouraging the trade of his majesty's sugar colonies in America," the interests of New-England were sacrificed to those of the sugar planters.

"The petition of Rhode-Island and Providence, against the sugar colony bill, occasioned a debate in the House of Commons in 1733, some parts of which deserve to be copied as interesting in a double point of view.

"Sir John Barnard moved for leave to bring up the petition.-'

"Sir Wm. Yonge said, I must take notice of one thing which I have observed in the petition. They therein tell us, that as to the bill now depending before us, they apprehend it to be against their charter. This, I must say, is something very extraordinary; and in my opinion, looks very like aiming at an independence, and disclaiming the authority and jurisdiction of this House, as if this House had not a power to tax them, or to make any laws for the regulating the affairs of their colonies; therefore if there were no other reason for our not receiving the petition, on this single account I should be against it." "Mr. Winnington-I hope the petitioners have no charter which debars this House from taxing them as well as any other subjects of this nation. I am sure they can have no such charter.'

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Sir John Barnard alleged that the language of the petitioners was "that they humbly conceive, that the hill now depending, if passed into a law, would be highly prejudicial to their charter." It may be that this House has sometimes refused to receive petitions from some parts of Britain, against duties to be laid on; but this can be no reason why the petition I have now in my hand should be rejected. The people in every part of Britain have a representative in this House, who is to take care of their particular interest-and they may, by means of their representative in this House, offer what reasons they think proper against any duties to be laid on. But the people who are the present petitioners, have no particular representatives in this House, therefore, they have no other way of applying or offering their reasons to this House, but in the way of being heard at the bar of the House, by their agent here in England. Therefore, the case of this petition is an exception."

"The question being put for bringing up the petition, passed in the negative.'-(Parliamentary History.)

"The trade of the northern colonies with the foreign West India Islands, would have been totally prohibited, according to the prayer of the sugar planters, had not the parliament apprehended distant consequences, of a nature incompatible with the general British policy as to France.* The spirit of the legislation under review, is

*See Account of the European Settlements in America, vol. ii. p. 179. Moreover, according to the same authority, "The northern colonies declared, that if they were