feet and three inches in his slippers, as straight as an arrow, and was evenly developed. He had a long muscular arm, and a singularly large hand. His gravity and sublime self-poise were as notable as Dr. Franklin's wit, anecdotes and whimsicalities. Each of the two was gifted with worldly wisdom in liberal measure, and each had in his own line of the public ser

vice won world-wide fame. To a country groping in the dark for political guidance the successful soldier and the eminent diplomat were radiant beacon lights. The Convention was not formally organized until Friday, May 25, and then, as soon as the preliminary business was concluded, it

* This Magazine has published at different dates fourteen portraits of Washington. [III. 81, 465, IV. 1, V. 85, VI. 81, VII. 80, X. 177, XI. 513, XII. 550, 552.]

adjourned until Monday. Pennsylvania gracefully proposed Washington as the President of the Assemblage, a ceremony that was to have been performed by Franklin in person, had not a severe rain storm prevented his attendance on the occasion. Robert Morris made the motion, which was promptly seconded by John Rutledge, of South Carolina, and Washington was placed in the chair. Franklin was in his seat on Monday, and attended the Convention regularly, five hours every day afterwards for four months, his friends declaring that he grew in health and vigor under the daily exercise of going and returning from his house to Independence Hall. The Convention bound itself to secrecy and proceeded to its work with closed doors, "lest the publication of their debates" says Mr. Bancroft, "should rouse the country to obstinate conflicts before they themselves should have reached their conclusions."

In the midst of this assembled greatness, Franklin in his well-fitting, picturesque costume was the observed of all observers-as he advocated a government unimposing, inexpensive. Thomas Mifflin, the general and statesman, but little more than half the age of Franklin, with his quick movements, his sanguine temperament revealing itself in every turn of his finely poised head, and his military bearing, attracted scarcely less attention. He had lived rapidly and learned much, and thus was older at forty-three than most men. He was of Quaker parentage, and when in the ardor of his patriotism he joined the Revolutionary army his peace-loving people "read him out of meeting." His importance in public affairs appears from his having been chosen president of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania in 1788, and governor of the State from 1791 to 1800.

Robert Morris, the great financier, was fifty-four, one year younger than Washington. He was large and florid, bright eyed, pleasant faced, magnetic, just as we see him in his portrait, and in the very prime of his noble manhood. He was a fluent and impressive orator, and whether in public speaking or in private conversation, overflowed with a rich fund of political knowledge and general and trustworthy information. He was born in Liverpool, coming to this country with his father, an eminent Liverpool merchant, at the age of thirteen, and was bred to mercantile pursuits. He had been one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and the magic of his genius had at a later moment lighted the impecunious pathway of the American Army on to victory. But for his magnanimity and fertility of invention, it is doubtful whether, after all, the Independence so dearly bought could have been maintained.

George Clymer, who occupied a seat next him, was also one of the signers. He was six years younger than Morris, of middle size, erect in

person, of fair complexion, and features radiant with intelligence, resolution and benevolence. He rarely made a speech, through extreme diffidence, but when he did his gifts of expression were wonderful, and no man in the Convention commanded a more attentive and appreciative audience. He was a close student, and wrote with grace and accuracy, and his opinions were always treated with respect. He was a refined gentleman

of ardent attachments, and the delight of the social circle. It is said of him that he never was heard to speak ill of the absent or known to break a promise, and he was ever ready to promote any scheme for the improvement of the country in science, agriculture, polite learning, the fine arts, or objects of mere utility. Thomas Fitzsimmons was of Irish birth and fortysix; a prominent and successful merchant of the house of George Meade & Co., who in 1780 supplied the army with some $25,000. He had been a

member of the Old Congress, and was subsequently chosen to the first Congress under the Constitution. He was furthermore president of the Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce. The name of Jared Ingersoll, following that of Fitzsimmons in the roll call, brings to mind some of the exciting incidents of the Stamp-Act rebellion, in which it will be remembered that his father, Jared Ingersoll, figured in the valley of the Connecticut. Belng Connecticut's agent in England he had ably and persistently opposed the passage of the odious bill; but when it became a law, he was duly qualified to officiate as stamp master. From New Haven, on his return from Europe, he started on horseback for Hartford. As he rode leisurely through the woods near Wethersfield, accompanied by a guard, he suddenly met five horsemen, who turned and joined his party. Ten minutes later he met thirty horsemen, who wheeled their horses in like manner. Not a word was spoken. All rode on together with the silence and solemnity and decorum of a funeral procession. On reaching a fork in the road they met a body of five hundred men, chiefly farmers, armed with ponderous white clubs, and led by an officer in full uniform. These knights of the forest opened a line from right to left, and received Ingersoll in the center with profound courtesy. Then martial music echoed through the woods and all moved forward; a halt was ordered in the broad street of Wethersfield. Ingersoll was there commanded to resign. He expostulated and said he must "wait to learn the sense of the Government." "Here is the sense of the Government," was the quick retort. "If I refuse to resign, what will fol low?" he asked. "Your fate," said the officer. "The cause is not worth dying for," replied Ingersoll, after a moment's hesitation, and wrote his name to the formal resignation prepared for him to sign. He was then required to shout "Liberty and Property" three times, after which ceremony he was escorted to Hartford. He rode a white horse, and as they ambled along some one asked what he was thinking about. "Death on a pale horse and hell following," was his response. His son had been in London with him, and remained there to study law in the Middle Temple; in Paris afterwards he made the acquaintance of Dr. Franklin, who became very fond of him. He resided in Philadelphia upon his return to America, where he became a prominent jurist, and twice was attorney-general of the State; he also for many years was presiding judge over one of the courts. In 1812 he was the Federal candidate for Vice-President of the United States. At the time of the Convention he was thirty-eight years of age.

James Wilson was forty-five, a Scotchman by birth, but thoroughly American in all his attachments and sentiments. He had studied at Glas

gow, St. Andrews and Edinburgh, and completed his legal education in the office of John Dickinson, of Delaware. He was a member of the Old Congress of 1775, and voted in favor of the Declaration. During the war he always considered the States, with respect to that war, as forming one community, and he did not admit the idea that when the colonies became independent of Great Britain they necessarily became independent of each other. He was a clear, sagacious, forcible political writer, and a statesman

of high order. The eighth Pennsylvania delegate was Gouverneur Morris, a New Yorker by birth and ancestry and subsequent residence. He was one of the younger men, only thirty-five, and one of the most fearless, selfsustained, sharp-witted, clever, versatile and useful of the Framers.

tion.*

Virginia's representatives had been chosen with consummate discre- V The central figure was Washington. Madison, who had already *The Virginia Delegates were: George Washington, James Madison, George Wythe, Edmund Randolph, George Mason, James Blair and James McClurg.