In passing through Philadelphia he called to see his former associate Dr. Franklin, now sinking under the weight of disease and old age. The venerable philosopher inquired with great earnestness about the course and the fate of his numerous friends in France. After awhile Mr. Jefferson spoke to Franklin of his biography, which, it was said, he was employed in preparing. "I cannot say much of that," he replied, "but I will give you a sample of what I shall leave," and he directed his little grandson, standing by his bed-side, to hand him a paper from the table to which he pointed. He did so, and Dr. Franklin put the paper into Mr. Jefferson's hands, desiring him to read it at his leisure. It was about a quire of folio paper, apparently written in his own hand. On Mr. Jefferson's saying he would read the paper and carefully return it, the Doctor insisted on his keeping it. He died on the 17th of the following month, and Mr. Jefferson understanding that he had bequeathed his papers to his grandson, William Temple Franklin, immediately informed this gentleman that this paper was in his possession, and that it would be delivered to his order. It was afterwards delivered to him in person, at which time Mr. Franklin observed that he had the original, or another copy of it. It then occurred to Mr. Jefferson, for the first time, that the paper was intended as a deposit in his hands.

The paper contained, Mr. Jefferson states, a narrative of the negotiations between Dr. Franklin and the British ministry, before the Revolution, and is thus cited by Mr. Jefferson, from memory:

"The negotiation was brought about by the intervention of Lord Howe and his sister, who, I believe, was called Lady Howe, but I may misremember her title. Lord Howe seems to have been friendly to America, and exceedingly anxious to prevent a rupture. His intimacy with Dr. Franklin, and his position with the ministry, induced him to undertake a

mediation between them; in which his sister seemed to have been associated. They carried from one to the other, backwards and forwards, the several propositions and answers which passed, and seconded with their own intercessions the importance of mutual sacrifices, to preserve the peace and connexion of the two countries. I remember that Lord North's answers were dry, unyielding, in the spirit of unconditional submission, and betrayed an absolute indifference to the occurrence of a rupture; and he said to the mediators distinctly, at last, that a rebellion was not to be deprecated on the part of Great Britain; that the confiscations it would produce would provide for many of their friends.' This expression was reported by the mediators to Dr. Franklin, and indicated so cool and calculated a purpose in the ministry as to render compromise hopeless, and the negotiation was discontinued." Mr. Jefferson then adds, " If this is not among the papers published, we ask what has become of it? I delivered it with my own hands into those of Temple Franklin. It certainly established views so atrocious in the British government, that its suppression would to them be worth a great price. But could the grandson of Dr. Franklin be in such degree an accomplice in the parricide of the memory of his immortal grandfather? The suspension for more than twenty years of the general publication bequeathed and confided to him, produced for awhile hard suspicions against him; and if at last all are not published, a part of these suspicions may remain with some."

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CHAPTER XIII.

Mr. Jefferson arrives at New York. Sketch of parties after the Revolution. Sense of the necessity of union. Local jealousies. Federalists and anti-federalists. Partiality for the British Constitution.Illusions of rank. Mr. Jefferson's sentiments. Proceedings of the first Congress. Impost. Impost. Permanent seat of government. Mr. Hamilton's report on public credit. Discrimination in favour of the original public creditors proposed by Mr. Madison. Arguments for and against it. Public opinion on the question. Assumption of state debts. Mr. Jefferson's impressions of the arguments urged for and against the assumption. The proposition rejected. Mr. Jefferson joins in effecting a compromise. Merits of the question. Local division of the parties.

1790.

MR. JEFFERSON arrived at New York on the 21st of March, and here commenced a new and important epoch of his life. From this time until he retired from public affairs, in March, 1809, a period of nineteen years, his history is closely connected with the history of his country; and it is emphatically and completely a history of the political parties into which that country has been divided.*

* In delineating the character of these parties, as the biography he has undertaken requires him to do, the author is aware of the difficulty of his undertaking. He knows that after the outward acts of men have been fully and accurately ascertained, the views and motives of the actors, which form a most important class of facts, are often shrouded in darkness and uncertainty; and that where they admit of different interpretations, as they often do, they will be thus differently interpreted, according to the prepossessions of each individual. He is aware too that our peculiar views and feelings commonly give a colouring to our opinions of men's motives, and that he cannot presume himself exempt from this bias. He will, however, be on his guard against this influence, and in passing judgment on the questions which once so deeply agitated the minds of the

In the same degree that the private citizen takes an interest in the public concerns, and can express his opinions with impunity, there will be political parties; and whatever may be the inconveniences of the civil strife they occasion, it must be considered as inseparably connected with civil liberty. It is true, that where there is a lively sense of common danger, party contentions, for a time, yield to a sense of the necessity of co-operation, and to the anxiety felt for the common interest. But, at all other times, questions of public concern are certain to divide the citizens of free countries into two angry and hostile communities. On these occasions, pride, interest, vanity, resentment, gratitudeevery passion, in short, finds room for exercise, and contributes its part to irritate and prolong the controversy.

As soon as the thirteen colonies had formed themselves into one nation, having the same general interests, they furnished another example of this portion of human destiny, which even the sense of common danger and the aspirations after the common blessing of independence could check, but were not able altogether to extinguish. Thus, in the beginning of the Revolution there was the division of whig and tory, on the question of submission or resistance. Then arose that of independence or qualified submission. When the nation had become almost unanimous on this question, parties were formed as different men were well or illdisposed towards General Washington, or as they differed about the mode of conducting the war, or the agents who should be employed abroad.* But after the war of the American people, he will, besides endeavouring to do justice to all, state the reasons of his opinions, that the influence of any lurking prejudice or party sympathy, if it actually exist, may be more easily detected.

* There had also arisen questions about the apportionment of taxes among the states; about every state having an equal vote; and about the right to the western lands, which had all, for a time, divided Congress into two great parties.

Revolution was at an end, and men's minds were turned to the subject how they might best improve the right of selfgovernment, party spirit took another direction, and assumed a new aspect. One of the first, as well as most interesting occasions for a difference of opinion which presented itself, was the precise character of the political connexion which should exist among the several states, which had, by a joint effort and a common triumph, effected a separation from their European rulers. Every reflecting mind believed that a confederate government of some sort was indispensable to their future safety and prosperity. Such a one would learn from all history that neighbouring states would be exposed to perpetual disagreements and quarrels, which would soon or late terminate in war, by the chances of which some of the parties would be vanquished and subjugated, and when the conquerors would purchase the triumphs of victory at the price of burdensome taxes, military services, and finally the loss of civil freedom. Nor did any one form of government afford a security against such quarrels and conflicts. The history of republics attested the warring propensities of our nature as much as any other sort of government. It was then obviously wise to form that species of political union among the several states which would keep down insurrections and civil strife, and enable them, in their common relations with foreign countries, to prosecute with more effect their negotiations in peace, and their operations in war.

Besides these general speculations in favour of a political union, there was another consideration which had a more general and immediate operation, because it was felt as well as seen. The people had practically experienced, since the peace, the inconvenience of so many independent sovereignties, in their conflicting regulations of foreign trade. The benefits to be derived from the union were the greater, from the fact that one division of the states was agricultural in