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THE Puritan colonists of New England had watched
with no little anxiety the rapid progress of that revolu-
tion in Great Britain which restored Charles II. to his
father's thrones. The same ship that brought to Boston
the first news of the Restoration, brought also two of the
regicide judges flying for their lives, Whalley and Goffe,
high military officers under Cromwell. Courteously re-
ceived in Massachusetts by Governor Endicott and the
magistrates, they remained there for some time without
disguise or concealment. The news, indeed, by this ar-
rival, was by no means decisive. The General Court
of Massachusetts met at its regular session, and adjourn-
ed without taking any notice of the changes going on in
England. Some weeks after, full accounts were received
of the re-establishment of royalty; of the Act of Indem-
nity, and the exception from it of all those concerned in
the death of the late king; of the execution of Peters
and the imprisonment of Vane; with information from
Leverett, the colonial agent, of numerous complaints by
Royalists, Episcopalians, Baptists, and Quakers, already
preferred against the colony.
Upon the arrival of this unwelcome news, the Gener-
al Court, called together in special session, adopted an
apologetical address, in which New England was ingen-
uously personified as the king’s “poor Mephibosheth, by
reason of lameness, in respect of distance, not until now

appearing in his presence, kneeling with the rest of his corn subjects before his majesty as her restored king.” This address was transmitted by the hand of Temple, the pro- 1660. prietary of Nova Scotia, lately a resident in Massachusetts, on whose friendly and favorable representations to the king much reliance was placed. It excused, at considerable length, the capital punishments inflicted on the Quakers, and prayed for the continued and undisturbed enjoyment of the existing civil and religious institutions of the colony. At the same time was sent a similar address to Parliament, and letters to old Lord Say and other Puritan noblemen, whose concurrence in the Restoration might be supposed to give them some present interest at court.

The fugitive regicides had already retired to New 1661. Haven, thus escaping a royal order for their arrest which presently arrived at Boston by the hands of some zeal- Feb. ous young Royalists, to whom the General Court of Massachusetts intrusted its execution. The magistrates wrote a pressing letter on the subject to Governor Leet, of New Haven. The Commissioners for the United Colonies of New England, at their meeting a few months Sept. afterward, issued their proclamation also against these fugitives. But, with all this show of zeal, there was no intention to give them up, if it could be avoided. . By great privacy and the aid of faithful friends, they remained undiscovered, and were presently joined by Colonel John Dixwell, another of the late king's judges. In spite of diligent efforts for their arrest, all three finished their days in New England. Dixwell lived openly at New Haven under a feigned name; the other two remained in concealment, sometimes in Connecticut, sometimes in Massachusetts.

As further evidence of their loyalty, the magistrates of

chapTER Massachusetts passed a censure on Eliot's “Christian xiv. Commonwealth,” a treatise compiled some years before 1661. by that indefatigable missionary as a frame of govern


ment for his converted Indians, but which, in his sim-
plicity, he had lately allowed to be printed in England
as a model, in the unsettled state of English politics,
worthy to be adopted for the establishment there of a re-
publican commonwealth on “a Scripture platform.”
Conforming to the necessity of the times, Eliot himself
made a public and solemn retraction of the anti-monar-
chical principles contained in this book, and the circula-
ting copies of it were ordered to be called in and destroy-
ed. . A general thanksgiving was also appointed in ac-
knowledgment of the king's gracious reception of the
colony's address.
Alarmed by repeated rumors from England of changes

intended to be made in their government, the General


Court, at their meeting shortly after, judged it proper to set forth, with the assistance of the elders, a distinct declaration of what they deemed their rights under the charter. This declaration claimed for the freemen power to choose their own governor, deputy governor, magistrates, and representatives; to prescribe terms for the admission of additional freemen; to set up all sorts of officers, superior and inferior, with such powers and duties as they might appoint; to exercise, by their annually-elected magistrates and deputies, all authority, legislative, executive, and judicial; to defend themselves by force of arms against every aggression; and to reject any and every imposition which they might judge prejudicial to the colony. This statement of rights might seem to leave hardly any perceptible power either to Parliament or the king. It accorded, however, sufficiently well with the practice of the colony ever since its foundation—a practice maintained with equal zeal against both royal corn

and parliamentary interference.

"At length, after more than a year's delay, Charles II. 1661.

was formally proclaimed at Boston. But all disorderly
demonstrations of joy on the occasion were strictly pro-
hibited. None were to presume to drink the king's health,
which, the magistrates did not scruple to add, “he hath
in an especial manner forbidden;” meaning, we must sup-
pose, that the king spoke in their laws. As if to make
up in words what was wanting in substance, a second
loyal address, in the extremest style of Oriental hyperbole,
designated the king as one “ of the gods among men.”
A royal order had arrived, the result of solicitations
made in England, requiring the discontinuance of corpo-
real punishments inflicted on Quakers; and an act was
accordingly passed suspending the persecuting laws.
As it still remained doubtful what the king might do,
Bradstreet, one of the founders of the colony, and a mag-
istrate from the beginning, with Norton, the popular

minister of Boston, were selected to proceed to England

as agents, not, however, without a good deal of opposi-
tion, the governor and deputy governor being opposed to
it. This appointment was considered so dangerous, that
the agents did not accept it without requiring a guarantee
of indemnity against any damage they might sustain by
detention or otherwise. A sum of money to pay their
expenses was raised by loan. They were specially in-
structed, among other things, to obtain leave to enact a
penal law against Quakers.
Bradstreet and Norton were courteously received in
England. But they found affairs there in a bad way for
the Puritan interest. Notwithstanding the part taken
by the Presbyterians in bringing back the king, and the
promises he had made them, Episcopacy was altogether




custon in the ascendant. By the Corporation Act lately passed,

all municipal magistrates were required to renounce the

1662. Solemn League and Covenant, and to take the sacrament

according to the rites of the Church of England. The
Act of Uniformity had restored the Liturgy, the canons,
and the ceremonials, replacing the Church of England
exactly as it stood before the meeting of the late Long
Parliament. All clergymen who refused to conform were
to lose their cures. To this pressure by far the greater
part both of the clergy and laity quietly submitted. But
a considerable portion of these forced conformists still re-
tained many of their old sentiments, thus constituting
the basis of that Low Church party, or party verging to-
ward Presbyterianism, one of the two great sections into
which the Church of England has ever since been divided.
Near two thousand clergymen, however, headed by Owen
and Baxter, rather than renounce Presbyterianism, suf-
fered themselves to be driven from their cures. They
found many adherents among the laity, especially the
traders and craftsmen of the towns and cities, and be-
came the fathers of that nonconformist body which has
constituted ever since an important element in the polit-
ical and social system of England. Swept thus suddenly
from the headship of an established church, these Pres-
byterian ministers had now the mortification to find them-
selves confounded with the Independents, Baptists, Qua-
kers, and other sectaries whom they hated. Exposed to
all the old persecuting statutes, now revived in full force,
they were forbidden to preach without a bishop's license
and the use of the Liturgy, under a penalty of three
months' imprisonment.
With the late leaders of the Independents it had gone
still harder. Several of them had been already executed
for their concern in the late king's death Sir Henry

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