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point, selected in the terms of the charter, three miles south of the southernmost part of Charles River; but, instead of running due west, as it should have done, it deviated so far to the south as to include the present towns of Enfield and Suffield, reckoned at that time a part of Springfield, and for a century afterward attached to Massachusetts. Gorges's province of Maine was not received into the New England alliance, “because the people there ran a different course both in their ministry and civil administration.” The same objection applied with still greater force to Aquiday and Providence. By omitting to excommunicate its exiled members, except in the case of Mrs. Hutchinson, the Boston Church still claimed a sort of spiritual authority over them, and had been not a little piqued at their repeated refusals to submit to it. A son and son-in-law of Mrs. Hutchinson, the latter a young minister from the West Indies, whom she was suspected of having fascinated by witchcraft, were arrested at Boston while on a visit there, and heavily fined and imprisoned on account of a letter which one of them had written, in which the Massachusetts churches were spoken of as “anti-Christian.” Communications were on foot between Coddington and the Massachusetts magistrates, and, hardly thinking herself safe at Aquiday, Mrs. Hutchinson and her family, her husband being dead, presently removed to Greenwich, beyond New Haven, and under the jurisdiction of the Dutch. A war soon after broke out between the Dutch and the Indians, during which these unfortunate exiles, to the number of eighteen, were massacred, except one young daughter, who was carried off a prisoner. “God’s hand is apparently seen herein, to pick out this woeful woman, to make her, and those belonging to her, an unheard-of heavy ex
ample!” Such was the exultation of the pious Welde chapter
over Mrs. Hutchinson's tragical end. She left a son at
Boston who did not share her exile, and whose posterity 1643.
became distinguished in the history of the colony.
chapTER anciently religious woman,” who had purchased HumX.
phrey's plantation at Lynn, being dealt with by the
1643. church at Salem for errors of this sort, to avoid further
1644. Nov. 13.
trouble removed to Long Island, where she settled, with
disrespect toward the magistrates, he took refuge at last chgren in the south part of Providence. Here, too, he made ". himself obnoxious to some of the settlers, and a disturb- 1641. ance arose which Williams was with difficulty able to appease. Some of the inhabitants, headed by one Benedict Arnold, even went so far as to invite the interference of Massachusetts, which was promised if they would submit to her jurisdiction, or, if they preferred it, to that of Plymouth. Several of them accordingly went to Boston and submitted; and a warrant was presently sent to 1642. Gorton, citing him to answer to their complaint. For the sake of peace, and to escape this threatened danger, after returning a rude answer addressed to the “great idol general of Massachusetts,” Gorton, with a number of followers, removed southerly across the Pawtuxet, and, hav- 1643. ing purchased of Miantonimoh, for one hundred and forty- * four fathoms of wampum, a tract called Shawomet, they commenced an independent settlement there, the third within the limits of the present state of Rhode Island. Alarmed at the threatened interference of Massachusetts, and the danger that her spiritual despotism might be extended over all her neighbors, Roger Williams resolved to proceed to England, there to solicit a charter— a step suggested the year before by the people of Aqui- day. Not being allowed to visit Boston, he went to Man- March. hattan, and obtained passage there by way of Holland. Not long after the departure of Williams, two inferior sachems from the neighborhood of Shawomet complained June. to the magistrates of Massachusetts, through Benedict Arnold, their agent and interpreter, one of those inhabitants of Providence who had lately submitted to the Massachusetts jurisdiction, that Gorton had wrongfully dispossessed them of their lands. One of them had signed the deed of conveyance; but he alleged having done so through
chapTER the compulsion of Miantonimoh. The Massachusetts mag
istrates entered very zealously into the matter. They sent for Miantonimoh; adjudged him to have no title to the land, or power over the sachems—wrongfully, as Williams alleges; and, having made this decision, they received from those same sachems a submission of themselves and their territory to the authority of Massachusetts, with a promise, on their part, to obey the ten commandments. This submission, though vaunted by Winthrop as “the fruits of our prayers, the first fruits of our hopes,” a proof that “the Lord was about to bring the Indians to civility, and so to conversion,” seems, however, to have been but a mere contrivance for obtaining some pretense to dispossess Gorton, or to compel him and his followers to submit to the authority of Massachusetts. Arnold was allowed four pounds for his services in this business. Miantonimoh, it is possible, might not have quietly submitted to this interference, but that unfortunate chief was, shortly after, effectually disposed of His virulent enemy, Uncas, attacked one of his subordinate chiefs, of which he complained to the governors of Massachusetts and Connecticut, requesting liberty to make war in return. He was told, if Uncas had injured him and would not give satisfaction, “to take his own course;” and, accordingly, he invaded the Mohegan territories, but was defeated, betrayed, and taken prisoner. A present of wampum, sent by the Narraganset chiefs, and an urgent and threatening message from Gorton, prevailed on Uncas to spare the captive's life, and to carry him prisoner to Hartford. His fate presently became a principal subject of discussion in the second meeting of the Commissioners for the United Colonies, held at Boston. His enterprise and sagacity were dreaded, and, perhaps, his friendship for Williams and Gorton weighed in the bal.