suppose that this was not the case, that no undue influence was made use of, and that hence but one third of the people think themselves aggrieved. Are numbers to constitute right? Are not the laws of the land fixed and unalterable? And is not this proceeding complained of, or any other (supported even but by one), to be tried and adjudged by these laws? Therefore, however the noble Lord may excel in the doctrine of calculation as a speculative matter, it can by no means serve him, urged in the course of argument.

Let us not then, my Lords, be deaf to the alarms of the people, when these alarms are founded on the infringement of their rights.-Let us not sit neuter and inattentive to the proceedings of the other House. We are, equally with that House, entrusted with the people's rights, and we cannot conscientiously discharge our duties without our interference, whenever we find those rights, in any part of the constitution, trampled on.

"I have, my Lords, trespassed on your patience at this late hour of the night, when the length of this debate must have fatigued your Lordships considerably. But I cannot apologize in a case so deeply interesting to the nation-no time can be too long-no time can be lost-no hardships can be complained of.

'He condemned the conduct of the House of Commons in terms of asperity. He denominated the vote of that House, which had made Colonel Luttrel representative for Middlesex, a gross invasion of the Rights of Election-a. dangerous violation of the English Constitution-a treacherous surrender of the invaluable privilege of a freehold, and a corrupt sacrifice of their own honour. They had stript the statute book of its brightest ornaments, to gild the wings, not of prerogative, but of unprincipled faction and lawless domination. To gratify the resentments of some individuals, the laws had been despised, trampled upon, and destroyed-those laws, which had been made by the stern virtue of their ancestors, the iron barons of old, to whom we were indebted for all the blessings of our present Constitution: to whose virtue and whose blood, to whose spirit in the hour of contest, and to whose tenderness in the triumph of victory, the silken barons of this day owe their honours and their seats, and both Houses of Parliament owe their continuance. These measures, he said, made a part of that unhappy system, which had been formed in the present reign, with a view to new-model the Constitution, as well as the Government. These measures originated, he would not say, with his Majesty's knowledge, but in his Majesty's Councils. The Commons had slavishly obeyed the commands of his Majesty's servants,

and had thereby exhibited, and proved, to the conviction of every man, what might have been only matter of suspicion before-that Ministers held a corrupt influence in Parliament-it was demonstrable-it was indisputable. It was therefore particularly necessary for their Lordships, at this critical and alarming period, so full of jealousy and apprehension, to step forwards, and oppose themselves, on the one hand, to the justly incensed, and perhaps speedy intemperate rage of the people; and on the other, to the criminal and malignant conduct of his Majesty's Ministers; that they might prevent licentiousness on the one side, and depredation on the other. Their Lordships were the constitutional barrier between the extremes of liberty and prerogative,'

The House being in a Committee, the question was put, Whether the Speaker should resume the chair? which was decided in the affirmative by a great majority,

The question being now got rid of, and notwithstanding it was past twelve o'clock, the Earl of Marchmont made the following motion: "That any resolution of this House, directly or indirectly impeaching a judgment of the House of Commons in a matter where their jurisdiction is competent, final, and conclusive, would be a violation of the

constitutional right of the Commons, tends to make a breach between the two Houses of Parliament, and leads to a general confusion."

It should seem that the Scotch kept this motion in their pockets; and that they reserved themselves for it; as neither the Earl of Marchmont, who made it, nor Lord Mansfield, who supported it, opened their mouths till now; when they both spoke with great vigour. The Earl of Marchmong threw out by way of menace to the Opposition, that if they went one step further, they would justify the necessity of calling in foreign assistance. The Duke of Richmond called him to order, and asked for an explanation of the words foreign assistance. But he shuffled it off. Lord Mansfield, in a long speech, insisted that their Lordships had no right to interfere in any determination of the , Commons. The Earl of Egmont said, the late petitions were highly censurable; the people had no right, nor even claim of right, to present such petitions-they were treasonable.

This harsh denunciation of the petitions, brought up the Earl of Chatham. His Lordship declared, that however indignant he might feel

*From the London Museum, vol. 1, page 190. known that any other account of this debate was taken.

It is not

upon such a dreadful sentence upon the petititioners, he hoped they would only smile when they heard it. He thanked Lord Marchmont for his lenity, in permitting the petitioners to have their heads on one day longer: and said the petitions were laudable and constitutional; and the right of the people, to present them, undoubted. He then replied to Lord Mansfield, and shewed the necessity of the House of Lords interfering, in case of an invasion of the people's liberties, or an unconstitutional determination of the House of Commons; and he affirmed, that the case of the county of Middlesex fell under both these denominations. Then he conjured them, by the noble blood which had run for so many ages in their veins, and by the noble struggles of their ancestors in behalf of liberty, not to behold with indifference a transaction so alarming; and modestly said of himself, for his own part, he was hardly warm in his seat. He quoted Lord Somers and Chief Justice Holt, in support of his law: and drew their characters very finely. He called them honest men, who knew and loved the English Constitution. Then turning to Lord Mansfield, he said, (with a sneer) I vow to God I think the noble Lord equals them both-in abilities. Towards the conclusion he complained strongly of the motion's being sudden, and made at midnight, and pressed the necessity of an adjournment of only two days. He said, among other