agitation of his look. We slung him, with a couple of ropes under the arms, and he was hoisted upon deck. The officers who remained assisted to secure him to the stump of the mizenmast. A lantern was brought, and the few survivors who were near, near, clinging to whatever they could hold by, crowded round, and joined in the prayers which were read by one of the officers. Oh! what a moment was that, when every heart poured forth its petition in fervency of spirit, while death was waiting to receive his prey. Before the officer had closed the book, and while the Amen yet trembled on their lips, a wild shriek was heard from forward. The wave came like a huge mountain, curling its monstrous head, sparkling with foam, which rendered it more horrible in the blackness of the night-it struck the ship, rending her fore and aft, and engulphed us in its dark abyss. There was a loud yell-it grew fainter--and all was hushed but the howling of the gale and the roaring of the billows. Myself and eleven others alone were saved." Poor Jem, however, was reserved for another fate; for, at the close of the war, he became an outpensioner; but, still desirous of braving the ocean, he shipped in a West Ingee-man, and made two or three voyages; but the last trip they were taken by the Pirates, and all hands murdered. Jem used to come and visit us old hulks at Greenwich; and one day he told us a rum-story of a North-country lad, apprenticed to a Newcastle-man. "D'ye see, (says Jem,) we were laying just below the Dock-gates at Blackwall, waiting

for

of us;

water in, when a Collier brig brought up, and swung alongside and having nothing much to do, we went below to dinner. Well, aboard comes one of their apprentices to beg a little sugar. aking off his hat, he preferred his petition to a huge baboon of the Captain's dressed in a blue jacket and trowsers, with a great furry cap, that was seated on a cask upon the quarter-deck. Jacko took no notice of him, except to grin a bit, while the poor fellow kept booing and booing, like Sir Pertinax Mac

sycophant in the play; but, finding all his requests were disregarded, he came forward, and was descending the forescuttle, when we demanded what the lad wanted, and whether he couldn't find any body upon deck? "Eh, (says Jock,) I saw the auld gentleman of a mate aft there-a deadly sulky-looking sort of a body too, but he would nae answer me.". "Hush! (says the Boatswain,) he'll hear you. That isn't the Mate, but a passenger we brought home from the island of Jamaica. He's a very rich sugarbaker, but dreadfully cross and spiteful --we're all afraid of him.”—“ Eh, be good unto us! (returned the simple lad;) are all the sugar-bakers like unto him? They must be a main comical set!" He was directed to go down the half-deck and take a little out of a cask; but he wouldn't attempt it till one of his companions descended with him. "Eh, Jammie, (says the first,) did you nae see the ootlandish passenger body sitting aft on the quarter-deck ?"-"Na, Jock, (replied the other,) wha was it ?"-" I dinna ken, but they tellit me he was a sugar-baker from Jemakee; but such an ugly cat-faced looking-Eh, Sir! (taking off his hat on observing the monkey grinning at 'em down the hatchway as if listening)-Eh, Sir, 'twas nae you we were talking aboot, but anither gentleman, a sugar-baker in Soonderland. Eh, Sir, we would nae offend your countenince for the warld!" However, no persuasions could induce them to come on deck till they were convinced that the gentleman passenger had forgiven them, and gone quietly to his cabin.

Upon the next thwart was Joe Hendersen, him as is Boatswain of the yacht building at Woolwich. Joe was a hair-brained, careless fellow, but open and free-hearted; ready for any thing, so that it did but promise mischief. He was in the Triumph at the Mutiny, and was bow-man of the barge. Well, when Sir E left the ship, the boat landed at Sallyport, and Joe runs out the gang-board, while he observed a rough-looking Captain waiting on the beach, who hailed their old skipper with, "Good morning, Sir

Erasmus, good morning.". "Good morning, Captain E, (replied Sir Erasmus ;) I understand you are appointed to the Triumph, and I am very sorry to say you will have a set of mutinous scoundrels to deal with.". "Never fear, Sir Erasmus, I am as mutinous as any of them, and I have no doubt they will speedily discover it." So after shaking hands he jumped into the boat, and they pulled aboard. Well, the hands were turned up, the commission was read, and every one expected a speech, and a speech they had. "I'll tell you what it is, my men: I would advise you to keep a sharp look-out, or I'll hang one half of you." This made them feel

comical; and as soon as the Boatswain's Mate piped down, a meeting was summoned to know whether they shouldn't send him ashore again; but an old Quarter-master advised to try him first, for says he, "I knows the gemman-he came in at the hawseholes, and understands what a seaman is; therefore it arn't fair to shove him out of the cabin windows." This settled it, and they never had cause to repent of their delay. But I haven't time to tell you more now, Mr. Editor; however, I'll try and recollect something else about Joe and Captain E-and the old Triumphs, as, d'ye see, they are all connected with the Barge's Crew.

AN OLD SAILOR.

your compliments.' In page 359 of the work, you quote the following words from the New Annual Register for 1814. 'It would seem, too, that, when we were victorious over the Americans by sea, we were generally indebted for our success, to a greater superiority than even they had when they were successful.' This was perfectly true; and even far within the truth; for, in many cases, they were victorious with an inferior force, both in men and guns. Yet, having quoted this remark from the Annual Register, you ask: Could an American Editor, or Mr. Cobbelt, have uttered a more unblushing falsehood than is contained in this effusion of spleen? And that, too, from so respectable a work as the Annual Register?'

After this, no respectable man will expect me to treat you with any sort of ceremony. I am about to remark on the book that you have sent me, and in which I find the above passage; and I shall unquestionably ascribe its infinite mass of lies to intention, to what it is evidently meant to obtain you, namely, the favour of Blue and Buff, and the sale of your poor, shuffling, badly written book, before you attempted to make which, you ought to have hesought some one to teach you how to put words into sentences.

Before I proceed to remark on the contents of your book, I will observe, that I had given you no sort of provocation to speak of me as a notorious retailer of impudent falsehoods. You published your book, it seems, in 1817. Not only then bad I never offended you; not only had I never even heard of you; but, never did I

hear of you or your work; never once heard either named, until Capt. Phillimore,

introduced you and your book to the public.

Another preliminary remark. The moment I heard of the beating, I said, that I strongly suspected that you deserved it; not for exposing the faults of the naval officers; but for your endeavours to hide those faults and to gloss over the shocking disgraces which we incurred during the war with America. Never, as I shall clearly show, was suspicion better founded! Nothing can have a more mischievous tendency. It is to do all that you can to prevent such a change in the Navy as shall enable us to face the foe another time. It is basely sacrificing the interests of the country to your own interest, gratified by the sale of your book to those whom you flattered and apologized for. Never did man better deserve a beating from some hand or other; but, really, it was ungrateful in Blue and Buff to lay on the stick! The devil will, I should suppose, pretty nearly get you for the lies that you have told to screen Blue and Buff; and, for them to beat you! Oh! it is too much! I would, if I were in your place, put forward, to the Court of King's Bench, the great merit, public spirit, and patriotism shown by my lying at such an uncommon rate. Here,' I would say, 'see, my Lord, and Gentlemen of the Jury, how I have lied for the honour of our be

loved country!' And then, turning round my naked shoulders, I would exclaim, ' and, behold my reward!'

I shall now make some remarks on your book, which, from its very manner of beginning, from its very tone at the outset, bids us expect a tissue of miserable apologies. When, until now, did the historian of

English naval fights think it necessary to write a preliminary essay on the nature of timber and shot, on weight of metal, on the effect of this or that sort of powder, and the like? But, I am a little before my story, and will return to it presently. When, until now, did the historian of English naval fights think it necessary to set out with a sweeping declaration, that all the accounts of the enemy were false? With boundless abuse of all belonging to that enemy? These are very bad signs: and these signs we find in almost every page of your history. I have only to notice your base attack on the American Commander, Porter, in order to show how shameless your conduct has been in this respect.

In your preface, you say, that you shall not meddle with the causes of the war. That was a very impartial resolution to be sure! The cause of the war was a very singular one, and was very necessary to be mentioned. You would not say any thing either, as to the manner in which it was conducted by the two parties. Why so shy upon these points? You can go out of your way often enough to abuse the Americans collectively and individually; and yet you will not say a word upon the cause of the war, of the manner of conducting it! Singular forbearance, in a man whose every page teems with abuse of the enemy!

With your leave, I will, however, say a little upon both these points; and, if there be any blood beneath that skin of yours; if there be any pores in that skin through which for the blood to appear, pray, Mr. James, do prepare to treat us to a little blush for once in your lifetime.

The cause of the war, and the sole cause of the war, was the impressment of American seamen on board of American ships by English men of war on the high seas. This was the sole cause of the war. And was it not cause enough? Was there ever any thing more unjust, cruel, or tyrannical, than to take Americans out of their ships, put them on board of our ships of war, take them for years away from their home, parents, and friends; compel them to expose their lives in fighting for us, and fighting too against their own friends and allies? This was the real and sole cause of the war; and it ought to have been stated by a man who was about to give an account of the manner in which these Americans fought to avenge their wrongs.

Now, as connected with this matter, let me come to your abuse of Commodore Porter; and, in observing upon that abuse, I will show what a surprising hypocrite you are. You tell us at page 85, that Sir James Lucas Yeo felt indignant, at reading in the public papers of the ill treatment of a "British Sailor" by Captain, or Commodore Porter. You tell us that Sir James expressed his contempt of Captain Porter for "this ill treatment of a British Sailor." You tell us that Sir James Lucas Yeo was very likely to express his abhorrence of the

occasion of this treatment. Your humani. ty breaks forth upon this occasion. You rival Sir James in his tender feelings for the poor British sailor. In short, the exceedingly well known humanity of all such persons, seems to have been very predominant upon this occasion. But here you were less cunning than you generally have been. You give us the injured British subject's deposition. You were foolish for that. You should have confined yourself to a round assertion without any particulars. Particulars are always injurious to historians like you. You begin the story of the ill-treated British subject thus: "Shortly after the declaration of war, Captain Porter ill-used a British subject, for “refusing to fight against his country." You should have stopped there; for, though every one who knows any thing of the Americans would have been sure that this is a most wicked lie; yet as only a small part of the people of England do know the Americans in this respect, the lie might have passed currently enough; but you, like a very foolish man, must refer to the New-York paper for the truth of your assertion; and must insert, forsooth, the deposition of the ill-used Englishman, who was, and who proves himself to have been, a most profligately fraudulent scoundrel, who deserved a hundred thousand times the punishment that Captain Porter inflicted upon him. However, here is the scoundrel's deposition, as inserted by yourself.

"The deposition states, that John Ewing was born in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, England that he resided within the United States since 1800, and has never been naturalized; that, on the 14th of October, 1811, he entered on board the Essex, and joined her at Norfolk; that Captain Porter, on the 25th of June, 1812, caused all hands to be piped on deck to take the oath of allegiance to the United States, and gave them to understand, that any man who did not choose to do so should be discharged: that when deponent heard his name called, he told the Captain that, being a British subject, he must refuse taking the oath; on which the Captain spoke to the petty officers, and told them that they must pass sentence upon him; that they then put him into the petty launch which lay alongside the frigate, and here poured a bucket of tar over him, and then laid on a quantity of feathers, having first stripped him naked from the waist; that they then rowed him ashore, stern foremost, and landed him. That he wandered about, from street to street, in this condition, until Mr Ford took him into his shop, to save him from the crowd then beginning to assemble; that he staid there until the police magistrate took him away, and put him in the cityprison for protection, where he was cleansed and clothed. None of the citizens molested or insulted him. He says he had a protection, which he bought of a man in Salem, of the same name and description with himself, for four shillings and six pence, which

he got renewed at the Custom-House, Norfolk! He says he gave, as an additional reason to the Captain why he did, not choose to fight against his country,that if he should be taken prisoner, he would certainly be hung. Here, then, this villain confesses that he entered on board the American ship Essex, and got the bounty, of course; that he did this as an American citizen; that he imposed upon the American Captain and officers, by means of a certificate of birth, which he had bought at Salem, from an American of the same name and description with himself; and that he had even got the certificate renewed at Norfolk. He could not get this done without a false oath; but, when the scoundrel was called up to take the oath of allegiance to the United States, he, with his false certificate in his pocket, put forward his character of British subject, in order to get discharged, and to cheat the United States out of the bounty!

And, Mr. James, humane Mr. James, this is the British subject, is it, on account of whose treatment, by Captain Porter, Sir James Lucas Yeo felt so indignant! Oh! hypocrisy! these are the days of thy power! But, come, Mr. Historian, Mr. Sincerity; come, what was this ill-treatment? -Was it flaying alive, or pretty nearly flaying alive, such as we shall see an innocent and gallant American seaman experiencing? No; Captain Porter, or rather his petty officers, tarred and feathered the atrocious, the fraudulent, the hypocritical, the perjured villain. They then rowed him ashore, 'stern foremost,' and landed him. He was, and Captain Porter knew very well that he would be cleansed and clothed' by the people of Norfolk; and there the detestable villain was left to claim his birthright as an Englishman, to enjoy the friendship of Sir James Lucas Yeo and to have you for his historian and eulogist!

Now for a proof of your sincerity. You know very well what had been the treatment of American seamen impressed by our ships of war; but, not one single word would you say of that. I have recently republished the case of James Tompkins, of Ulster county, New York; but I will here republish it again. The reader, will observe, that these things were the cause of the war, and of all the disgrace that arose out of that war.

"Duchess County, state of New-York---ss:

66

James Tompkins, being sworn, saith, that he is a native of Ulster county, opposite Poughkeepsie; that he sailed out of New-York in the month of April, 1812, in the ship Minerva, bound to Ireland; that, on the homeward-bound passage, in July after, this deponent, with three other American seamen, Samuel Davis, William Young, and John Brown, were impressed, and taken on board of the British ship Action, David Smith, Captain. We were taken on Saturday evening; on Monday morning we were brought to the gangway, informed we must enter on board ship, and live as other seamen, or we should live on oatmeal and water, and receive five dozen

and

lashes. This deponent says, himself and the other three impressed with him, did refuse to enter, and each of them were then whipped five dozen lashes. On Wednesday folthe same offer made to us to enter, which lowing we were again brought up, and had we refused, and we were again whipped five dozen lashes each. On Saturday after, the like offer was made to us, and, on our refusal, we were again whipped three dozen lashes each. On Monday following, still refusing to enter, we were again whipped two dozen each. On Wednesday following we were again whipped one dozen each and ordered to be taken below and put in irons till we did enter; and the Captain said, he would punish the damned Yankee rascals till they did enter. We were then put in irons, and laid in irons three months. During the time of our impressment the ship had an action, and captured a French ship. Before this action, we were taken out of irons, and asked to fight, but we refused; and after the action, we were again ironed, till the ship arrived at London. After arriving there, we first beard of the war with America, and that the Guerriere was taken. This deponent took his shirt, Samuel Davis and Wm. Young took their handkerchiefs, made stripes and stars for the American colours, and hung it over a gun, and gave three cheers for the victory. The next morning at six o'clock, we were brought up and whipped two dozen lashes each, for huzzaing for the Yankee flag. Shortly after this we were all released, by the assistance of the American ConThis sul and Captain Hall, who knew us. deponent further saith, that they had all protections, and showed them and claimed to be Americans at the time they were impressed. JAMES TOMPKINS.”

"Sworn before me, this 17th day of April, 1813, at which time the said James Tompkins showed me his wrists, which, at his request, I examined, and there appeared to be marks and scars on both of them, occasioned, as I suppose, from his having been in irons. WM.W.BOGARDUS,Just. Peace."

I call upon the reader to compare the treatment of these four innocent, gallant, and faithful men, with the treatment of the villain for whom you affect to have felt so much compassion. I beg of the reader to observe, that you say not one word of these instances of intolerable oppression; that you keep a guarded silence upon this subject; I beg of the reader to observe this, and then I am sure he will not want any thing to enable him to make a just estimate of your sincerity. I do not, and I never did, take upon me to VOUCH for the truth of these American affidavits. I say, as I always said, that there is not a man on earth who would more sincerely rejoice to see these affidavits contradicted in form, and from authority. But, never have they been thus contradicted; and they contained a statement of those allegations which, true or false, produced that war of indelible disgrace to England, to disguise or disfigure the facts of which war, is the object of the work of which you have sent me a copy; for which work you say that you have received the applause of the Duke of Clarence, and for which you have my hearty contempt.

I now return to notice the novelty of your manner of beginning to write a history of

English naval fights. As I observed before, one can see from the preface to your book, that it is going to contain a string of miserable apologies. Your whole book contains 528 pages of your own writing, 100 pages of which are occupied with preparing the reader for the defeats which are to follow. What, employ a hundred pages in order to show that the English ships could not be expected to be a match for the American ships! The sight of these hundred pages is quite enough for any moderate man. However, my readers shall have a little specimen of your preparatory motions. They shall see your ingenious string of reasons why the American frigate Constitution ought to beat and capture the Guerriere!

What would, at any former time, have been said of such an attempt? An attempt to prove that an English ship ought to be heaten by an American frigate. However, let us first quote the passage, and remark upon it afterwards. It is the beginning of a Chapter. You plead as if it were for your life. Had you been the Captain of the Guerriere you yourself could not bave pleaded with more zeal. I am sure that the reader will say that this extract itself ought to have saved your back from the wrath of Sir John Phillimore.

"From the battle of Trafalgar to the peace of 1815, [you begin far off, indeed!] three-fourths of the British navy, at sea, were constantly employed in blockading the fleets of their enemies. Of the remainder, such as escaped the dull business of convoying, cruised about; but the only hostile ships that, in general, crossed their tracks, were disguised neutrals from whom no hard knocks could be expected. Once a year or so, the capture of a French frigate by a British one gave a momentary fillip to the service.

"A succession of insipid cruises necessarily begat, among both officers and men, habits of inattention. The situation of gunner on board our ships became almost a sinecure. A twenty years' war of itself, was sufficient to wear out the strength of our seamen ; but a laxity of discipline, in all the essentials of a man of war's man, produced a much more

sensible effect.

"Instead of the sturdy occupation of handling the ships' guns, now seldom used but on salutes, the men were taught to polish the traversing-bars, elevating screws, copper on the bits, &c. by way of ornament to the quarter-deck. Such of the crew as escaped this menial office, (from the unnecessary wear it occasions, lately forbidden by an order from the Board of Admiralty) were set to reefing and unreefing the topsails, against time, preparatory to a match with any other of His Majesty's ships that might happen to fall in company.

Many were the noble exceptions to this, and many were the commanders, who, despising what was either finical or useless, and still hoping to signalize themselves by some gallant exploit, spared no pains, consistent with their limited means and the restraints of the service, to have their ships,at all times,as men of war should be,in boxing trim. "As Napoleon extended his sway over the European continent, the British navy, that perpetual blight upon his hopes, required to be extended also. British oak and British seamen, alike scarce, contract-ships were

hastily built up with soft wood and light frames; and then, manned with an impressed crew, chiefly of raw hands and small boys, sent forth to assert the rights, and maintain the character, of Britons, upon the ocean. In June, 1812, when the war with America commenced, the British navy consisted of 746 ships in Commission. Had these have been cleared of all the foreigners and ineffective hands, how many ships would the remainder have properly manned?

"To the long duration of war, and the rapid increase of the navy, may be added a third cause of the scarcity of seamen; the enormous increase of the army. In Decenber, 1812, we had, in regulars alone, 229,149 men. How many frigates could have been manned, and well manned, too, by draughts from the light dragoons and the light infantry regiments? Nor is there a question---so inviting were the bounties---that prime seamen would have enlisted in both.

"The crews of our ships experienced a fourth reduction in strength by the establishment, about six years ago, of the battalionmarines; a corps embodied for the purpose of acting on shore in conjunction with the seamen and marines of the ships. The battalion-marines, about 2000 in number, consisted of the pick of the Royal marines, which, accordingly, became reduced to weak, undersized men, and very young recruits. Marines ought to be among the stoutest men in the ship, because until engaged in close action, their station is at the guns, where great physical strength is required. Except on a few occasions in Canada and the Chesapeake, the battalion marines, altho' as fine a body of men as any in the two services, have remained comparatively idle.

"The canker worm that, in the shape of neglect, had so long been preying upon the vitals of the British navy, could not exist among the few ships composing the navy of the United States. America's half a dozen frigates claimed the whole of her attention. These she had constructed upon the most improved principles, both for sailing and for war. Considering that the ramparts of a battery should have, for one object, the shelter of the men stationed at it, she had built up the sides of her ships in the most had been exerted, and expense bestowed, in compact manner; and the utmost ingenuity their final equipment.

"With respect to seamen, America had, for many years previous to the war, been decoying the men from our ships by every artful stratagem. The best of these were rated as petty officers. Many British sea

men had entered on board American merchant vessels; and the numerous non-intercourse and embargo bills, in existence at different periods during the four years preceding the employment. So that the U. S. ships of war, war, threw many merchant sailors out of in their preparations for active warfare, had to pick their compliments from a numerous body of seamen.

istration of the United States, the men were "Highly to the credit of the naval admintaught the practical rules of gunnery; and ten shot, with the necessary powder, were allowed to be expended in play, to make one hit in earnest.

"Very distinct from the American seamen, so called, are the American marines.