Given at the head quarters at Cambridge, this 10th day of July, 1775. HORATIO GATES, Adj. Gen. Midsummer Assembly, July 21, 1775. "Resolved, That the thanks of the sheriffs and commons be presented to lord Effingham, for hav. ing chosen gloriously to resign his commission, ra ther than imbrue his hands in the blood of his in. Extract of a letter from Charlestown, South Caroli nocent and oppressed fellow subjects." Which being enclosed to his lordship by the proper officer, the following answer was received: SIR: "I have been favored with your letter of the 21st of July last, enclosing the copy of a reso lution of the sheriffs and commons of the city of Dublin. "Next to the testimony of a man's own conscience, is, in my opinion, his greatest happiness to have the approbation of the wise and honest among his fellow subjects. na, August 5, 1775. "Be assured, peace will never be firmly established between Great Britain and America, until the latter receives an ample recognition of her rights, and a full satisfaction for the blood that has or may be shed. The inhabitants of this vast continent would give up all their sea-coast towns, retire into the interior country, and contentedly sub. sist on the bare necessaries of life, rather than sub mit to the implicit subjugation of a British parliament. But don't apprehend they will suffer this distress like docile animals. No: depend, they will protect their property to the last extremity, "The former of these can, I think, be no other and although they have hitherto acted only on the way enjoyed, than by a strict adherence to those defensive, believe me, unless there is an evident principles, which, at the revolution, established prospect of accommodation this winter, hostilities our civil and religious liberties; and it is easy, sir, will commence on their part, by and with the asfor you to conceive, but beyond my abilities to ex-sistance of a foreign power, and with a spirit that press what I felt, at my conduct's being judged, will alarm all Europe. And then farewell to Great by so independent and respectable an assembly as Britain." the sheriffs and commons of the city of Dublin, deserving of the latter. “I am, with truth and respect, sir, your most obedient humble servant, EFFINGHAM. The Holmes, Aug. 14, 1775. Fragment of a speech made in the general congress of America, by one of the delegates in 1775-author unknown. From Almon's Remembrancer. The great God, sir, who is the searcher of all things, will witness for me, that I have spoken to Instructions for the officers of the several regi-have heard that this is an arduous consideration. you, from the bottom and purity of my heart. We ments of the Massachusetts Bay forces, who are immediately to go upon the recruiting service. NEW YORK, July 31, 1775. And surely, sir, we have consider ed it earnestly. I may think of every gentlemen here, as I know of You are not to enlist any deserter from the min-myself, that, for seven years past, this question has isterial army, nor any stroller, negro, or vagabond, filled the day with anxious thought, and the night or person suspected of being an enemy to the l-with care. The God to whom we appeal, must berty of America, nor any under eighteen years of judge us. If the grievances, of which we comage. plain, did not come upon us unprovoked and unexpected-when our hearts were filled with respectful affection for our parent state, and with loyalty to our king-let slavery, the worst of human ills, be our portion. Nothing less than seven could have shaken such rooted sentiments. Unhap years of insulted complaints and reiterated wrongs, Pily for us, submission and slavery are the same; and we have only the melancholy alternative left-of ruin or resistance. The last petition" of this congress to the king, contained all that our unhappy situation could suggest. It represented our grievances; implored *In 1774, presented last Christmas. redress, and professed our readiness to contribute world, the nurse of heroes, the delight of Gods! for the general want, to the utmost of our abilities, through the invigorating operation of unceasing when constitutionally required. The apparently gracious reception it met with, promised us a due consideration of it; and that consideration relief. But, alas! Sir, it seems at For that moment the very reverse was intended. it now appears, that in a very few days after this specious answer to our agents, a circular letter was privately written by the same secretary of state; to the governors of the colonies, before parliament had been consulted, pronouncing the con gress illegal, our grievances pretended, and vainly commanding them to prevent our meeting again. Perhaps, sir, the ministers of a great nation, never before committed an act of such narrow policy and treacherous duplicity. They found parliament, however, prepared to support every one of their measures. 1 forbear, sir, entering into a detail of those acts, which, from their atrociousness, must be felt and remembered forever. They are calculated to carry fire and sword, famine and desolation, through these flourishing colonies. They cry, "havoc, and let slip the dogs of war." The extremes of rage and revenge, against the worst of enemies, could not dictate measures more desperate and destructive. wars!—“Per damna, per cædes,ab ipso duxit opes animumque ferro." How often has Flanders been the theatre of contending powers, conflicting hosts, and blood! Yet what country is more flourishing and fertile? Trace back the history of our parent state. Whether you view her arraying Angles against Danes; Danes against Saxons; Saxons against Normans; the Barons against the usurping princes, or the civil wars of the red and white roses, or that between the people and the tyrant Stuart—you see ber in a state of almost continual warfare. In almost every reign, to the commencement of that of Henry the VIIth, her peaceful bosom (in her poet's phrase) was gored with iron war. It was in the peaceful reigns of Henry VII. Henry VIII. "Those noble English, who could entertain The beautiful fabric of her constitutional liberty was reared and cemented in blood. From this taking deep root in this delightful land, have reared their heads, and spread abroad their branches like the cedars of Lebanon. There are some people who tremble at the ap-fullness of her strength those scions issued, which proach of war. They fear, that it must put an inevitable stop to the further progress of these colonies; and ruin irretrievably those benefits, which the industry of centuries has called forth, from this once savage land. I may commend the anxiety of these men, without praising their judg-evil-real good? The war, upon which we are to ment. Why fear we then, to pursue, through apparent coming the prey of that more desolating cruel spoiler, than war, pestilence, or famine,-absolute rule and endless extortion. enter, is just and necessary. "Justum øst bellum, ubi necessarium; et pia arma, quibus nulla, nisi in armis, War, like other evils, is often wholesome. The relinquitur spes." It is to protect these regions, waters that stagnate, corrupt. The storm that works the ocean into rage, renders it salutary-and hazard of our fathers and ourselves, from bebrought to such beauty through the infinite toil Heaven has given us nothing unmixed. The rose is not without the thorn. War calls forth the great virtues and efforts, which would sleep in the gentle bosom of peace. "Paulum sepultæ distat inertia celuia virtus." It opens resources which would be con- Our sufferings have been great-our endurance cealed under the inactivity of tranquil times. It long. Every effort of patience, complaint, and rouses and enlightens. It produces a people of supplication, bas been exhausted. They seem only animation, energy, adventure, and greatness. Ler to have hardened the hearts of the ministers who us consult history: Did not the Grecian republics oppress us, and double our distresses. Let us prosper amid continual warfare? Their prosperity, their power, their splendor, grew from the all-ani mating spirit of war-did not the cottages of shep. berds, rise into imperial Rome, the mistress of the therefore consult only how we shall defend our liberties with dignity and success. Our parent state will then think us worthy of her, when she sees that with her liberty we inherit her rigid 1 resolution of maintaining it against all invaders. We look forward with pleasure to that day, not Let us give her reason to pride herself in the rela- And thou, great liberty! inspire our souls. The following address was published in Canada, on the arrival there of colonel Arnold, with the troops under his command. far remote (we hope) when the inhabitants of Ame Incited by these motives, and encouraged by the advice of many friends of liberty among you, the grand American congress have sent an army into your province, under the command of general Schuyler--not to plunder, but to protect you-to animate, and bring forth into action those sentiBy his excellency George Washington, esq. comments of freedom you have disclosed, and which mander in chief of the army of the United Colo- the tools of despotism would extinguish through nies of North America. TO THE INHABITANTS OF CANADA. the whole creation. To co-operate with this design, and to frustrate those cruel and perfidious Friends and brethren-The unnatural contest be- schemes, which would deluge our frontiers with tween the English Colonies and Great Britain, has the blood of women and children, I have detached now risen to such a height, that arms alone must colonel Arnold into your country, with a part of decide it. The colonies, confiding in the justice the army under my command. I have enjoined of their cause, and the purity of their intentions, upon him, and I am certain that he will consider have reluctantly appealed to that Being, in whose himself, and act as in the country of his patrons hands are all human events. He has hitherto smiled and best friends. Necessaries and accommodaupon their virtuous efforts the hand of tyranny tions of every kind which you may furnish, he will has been arrested in its ravages, and the British thankfully receive, and render the full value. I invite arms, which have shone with so much splendor in you therefore as friends and brethren, to provide every part of the globe, are now tarnished with him with such supplies as your country affords; disgrace and disappointment. Generals of approv- and I pledge myself not only for your safety and ed experience, who boasted of subduing this great continent, find themselves circumscribed within the limits of a single city and its suburbs, suffering all the shame and distress of a siege, while the free-berty, is the cause of every virtuous American citi. born sons of America, animated by the genuine prin. ciples of liberty and love of their country, with in creasing union, firmness and discipline, repel every attack, and despise every danger. security, but for an ample compensation. Let no zen; whatever may be his religion or his descent, G. WASHINGTON. Above all, we rejoice, that our enemies have been deceived with regard to you--they have persuaded themselves, they have even dared to say, that the Canadians were not capable of distinguishing between the blessings of liberty, and the wretched-A letter from general Lee to general Burgoyne, dated ness of slavery; that gratifying the vanity of a camp on Prospect Hill, December 1, 1775. little circle of nobility--would blind the people of "DEAR SIR-AS I am just informed you are ready Canada. By such artifices they hoped to bend you to embark for England, I cannot refrain from once to their views, but they have been deceived; instead more trespassing on your patience. An opportunity of finding in you that poverty of sou! and baseness is now presented of immortalizing yourself as the of spirit, they see with a chagrin, equal to our joy, Saviour of your country. The whole British emthat you are enlightened, generous, and virtuous-pire stands tottering on the brink of ruin, and that you will not renounce your own rights, or serve you have it in your power to prevent the fatal as instruments to deprive your fellow-subjects of catastrophe, but it will admit of no delay For theirs. Come then, my brethren, unite with us in Heaven's sake avail yourself of the precious moan indissoluble union, let us run together to the ment, put an end to the delusions; exert the voice same goal. We have taken up arms in defence of of a brave virtuous citizen, and tell the people at our liberty, our property, our wives, and our child- home that they must immediately rescind all their ren; we are determined to preserve them, or die.Impolitic acts; that they must overturn the whole 1 part of a cruel step-dame, it must naturally be expected that their affections cease; the ministry leave them no alternative, aut servire, aut alienari jubent; it is in human nature, it is a moral obliga tion to adopt the latter; but the fatal separation has not yet taken place, and yourself, your single self, my friend, may perhaps prevent it. Upon some persons, I am afraid, you can make no impression; for to repeat a hackneyed quotation, frantic system, or that they are undone. You the natural tenderness of a mother, and acts the ask me, in your letter, if it is independence at which the Americans aim? I answer, no! the idea never entered a single American's head until a most intolerable oppression forced it upon them. All they required was to remain masters of their own property, and be governed by the same equitable laws which they had enjoyed from the first formation of the colonies. The ties of connection, which bound them to their parent country, were so dear to them, that he who would have ventured to have touched them, would have been considered as the most impious of mortals; but these sacred ties, the same men who have violated or baffled the most precious laws and rights of the people at home, dissipated or refused to account for their treasures, tarnished the glory, and annihilated the importance of the nations; these sacred ties, I say, so dear to every American, are now rending asunder. "You ask, whether it is the weight of taxes of which they complain? I answer no; it is the principle they combat, and they would be guilty in the eyes of God and man, of the present world and all posterity, did they not reject it; for if it were admitted, they would have nothing that they could call their own. They would be in a worse "They are in blood "Step'd in so far, that should they wade in more, "To return would be as tedious as go o'er." But if you will at once break off all connections with these men, if you will wave all consideration but the salvation of your country, Great Britain may stand as much indebted to general Burgoyne as Rome was to her Camillus. Do not I entreat you, my dear sir, think this the mad rhapsody of an enthusiast, nor the cant of a factious designing man, for in these colors, I am told, I am frequently for comfort and honor in this world, and to avoid painted. I swear by all that is sacred, as I hope misery in the next, that I most earnestly and devoutly love my native country; that I wish the same happy relation to subsist for ages, betwixt her and her children, which has raised the wide arch of her empire to so stupendous and enviable an height: but at the same time I avow, that if the parliament and people should be depraved enough to support any longer some persons in their scheme, my zeal and reverence for the rights of humanity are so much greater than my fondness for any particular spot, even the place of my nativity, that had I any influence in the councils of America, I would advise not to hesitate a single instant, but decisively to cut the Gordian knot now besmeared with civil blood. condition than the wretched slaves in the West India Islands, whose little peculium has ever been esteemed inviolate. But wherefore should I dwell on this, is not the case of Ireland the same with theirs? They are subordinate to the British em. pire, they are subordinate to the parliament of Great Britain; but they tax themselves. Why, as the case is similar, do not you begin with them? But you know, Mr. Burgoyne, the ministry dare not attempt it. There is one part of your letter which, I confess, I do not understand. If I recollect right, for I unfortunately have not the letter by me, you say, that if the privilege of taxing themselves is what the Americans claim, the contest is at an end; you surely cannot allude to the propositions of N➖➖➖. It is impossible that you should not think with me, and all mankind, that these propositions are no more or less than adding to a most abominable oppression, a more abomina- my sober senses, therefore, permit me once more, ble insult. But to recur to the question of Ame- most earnestly to entreat and conjure you to exert ricans aiming at independence? Do any instruc. your whole force, energy, and talents, to stop tions of any one of the provinces to their repre- certain persons in this, their headlong career. If sentatives, or delegates furnish the least ground you labor in vain (as I must repeat I think will be for the suspicion? On the contrary, do they not all breathe the strongest attachment and filial piety for their parent country? But if she discard all "This I know is strong, emphatic language, and might pass with men, who are strangers to the flame which the love of 1lberty is capable of lighting up in the human breast, for a proof of my insanity; but you, sir, you, unless I have mistaken you from the beginning, will conceive that a man in his sober senses, may possess such feelings. In the case) address yourself to the people at large; by adopting this method, I am so sanguine as to assure myself of your success; and your public character will be as illustrious as your personal (and Almighty God, that I will neither directly or qualities are amiable to all who intimately know indirectly convey any intelligence, nor give any you. By your means, the colonists will long con- advice to the aforesaid enemies described; and tinue the farmers, planters, and shipwrights of that I pledge myself, if I should by any accident Great Britain; but if the present course is persisted get knowledge of such treasons, to inform immę. in, an eternal divorce must inevitably take place. diately the committee of safety: and as it is justly As to the idea of subduing them into servitude, allowed that when the rights and sacred liberties and indemnifying yourselves for the expense, you of a nation or community are invaded, neutrality must be convinced, before this, of its absurdity. is not less base and criminal than open and avowed hostility: I do further swear and pledge myself, "I should not, perhaps, be extravagant, if I as I hope for eternal salvation, that I will when. advanced that all the ships of the world would be ever called upon by the voice of the continental too few to transport force sufficient to conquer congress, or by that of the legislature of this par. three millions of people unanimously determined ticular colony under their authority, to take arms to sacrifice every thing to liberty; but if it were and subject myself to military discipline in defence possible, the victory would be not less ruinous of the common rights and liberties of America. So than the defeat. You would only destroy your own help me God." strength. No revenue can possibly be extracted out of this country. The army of placement might be increased, but her circuitous commerce, founded on perfect freedom, which alone can furnish riches to the metropolis, would fall to the ground. But the dignity, of Great Britain it seems is at stake. Would you, sir, if in the heat of passion you had struck a simple drummer of your regiment, and afterwards discovered it unjustly, think it ary forfeiture of your dignity to acknowledge the wrong? No (I am well acquainted with your disposition) you would ask his pardon, at the head of your regiment. "I shall now conclude (if you will excuse the pedantry) with a sentence of Latin: "Justum est bellum, quibus necessarium; et pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis, relinquiter spes." I most sincerely wish you a quick and prosperous voyage; and that your happiness and glory may be equal to the idea 1.have of your merits, as I am, with the greatest truth and affection, your's C. LEE." The following is said to be a copy of the oath exacted by general Lee of the people of Rhode Island, on his arrival there-Dec. 1775. "I-here, in the presence of Almighty God, as I hope for ease, honor, and comfort in this world, and happiness in the world to come, most earnestly, devoutly and religiously swear; that I will neither directly or indirectly assist the wicked instruments of ministerial tyranny and villainy, commonly called the king's troops and navy, by furnishing them with provisions and refreshments of any kind, unless authorised by the continental congress or legisla ture at present established in this particular colony of Rhode Island: Ido also swear by the Tremendous MEMENTO TO THE AMERICANS. From the Pennsylvania Journal-March, 1776. "Remember the stamp act, by which immense sums were to be yearly extorted from you. Remember the deciaratory act, by which a pow. er was assumed of binding you, in all cases whatsoever, without your consent. Remember the broken promise of the ministry," never again to attempt a tax on America. Remember the duty act. Remember the massacre at Boston, by British soldiers. Remember the ruin of that once flourishing city by their means. Remember the massacre at Lexington. Remember the burning of Charlestown. Remember general Gage's infamous breach of faith with the people of Boston. Remember the cannonading, bombarding, and burning of Falmouth. Remember the shrieks and cries of the women and children. |