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dismiss a general-a physician-or even a domes-principles of commerce-be taught by competent tic, as soon as they have acquired knowledge suf professors Let masters be employed, likewise, to ficient to be useful to us, for the sake of increas- teach gunnery-fortification-and every thing coning the number of able generals-skilful physi nected with defensive and offensive war. cians-and faithful servants? We do not. Govern- all, let a professor of, what is called in the Eu ment is a science, and can never be perfect in ropean universities, economy, be established in America, until we encourage men to devote not this federal seminary. His business should be to only three years, but their whole lives to it. I be unfold the principles and practice of agriculture lieve the principal reason why so many men of and manufactures of all kind, and to enable him to abilities object to serving in congress, is owing to make his lectures more extensively useful, contheir not thinking it worth while to spend three gress should support a travelling correspondent years in acquiring a profession, which their coun- for him, who should visit all the nations of Europe, try immediately afterwards forbids them to fol- and transmit to him, from time to time, all the discoveries and improvements that are made in agrilow. culture and manufactures. To this seminary, young men should be encouraged to repair, after completing their academical studies in the colleges of their respective states. The honours and offices of the United States should, after a while, be confined to persons who had imbibed federal and republican ideas in this university.

There are two errors or prejudices on the subject of government in America, which lead to most dangerous consequences.

the

It is often said, "that the sovereign and all other power is seated in the people." This idea is unhappily expressed. It should be-"all power is derived from the people," they possess it only For the purpose of diffusing knowledge, as well on the days of their elections. After this, it is the as extending the living principle of government to property of their rulers; nor can they exercise or every part of the United States-every state-city resume it, unless it be abused. It is of importance-county-village-and township in the union, to circulate this idea, as it leads to order and should be tied together by means of the post-office. good government. This is the true non-electric wire of government.

The people of America have mistaken the mean. It is the only means of conveying heat and light to ing of the word sovereignty: hence each state pre-every individual in the federal commonwealth. tends to be sovereign. In Europe, it is applied "Sweden lost her liberties," says the abbe Raynal, only to those states which possess the power of "because her citizens were so scattered, that they making war and peace-of forming treaties, and had no means of acting in concert with each other." the like. As this power belongs only to congress, they are the only sovereign power in the United

States.

We commit a similar mistake in our ideas of the word independent. No individual state, as such, has any claim to independence. She is independent only in a union with her sister states in congress.

To conform the principles, morals and manners of our citizens, to our republican forms of government, it is absolutely necessary, that knowledge of every kind should be disseminated through every part of the United States.

It should be a constant injunction to the post-masters, to convey newspapers free of all charge for postage. They are not only the vehicles of knowledge and intelligence, but the centinels of the liberties of our country.

The conduct of some of those strangers, who have visited our country, since the peace, and who fill the British papers with accounts of our distresses, shews as great a want of good sense, as i does of good nature. They see nothing but the foundations and walls of the temple of liberty; and yet they undertake to judge of the whole fabric.

Our own citizens act a still more absurd part, when they cry out, after the experience of three or For this purpose, let congress, instead of laying four years, that we are not proper materials for reout half a million of dollars, in building a federal publican government. Remember, we assumed town, appropriate only a fourth of that sum, in these forms of government in a hurry, before we founding a federal university. In this university, were prepared for them. Let every man exert let every thing connected with government, such himself in promoting virtue and knowledge in our as history-the law of nature and nations-the civil country, and we shall soon become good republi. law-the municipal laws of our country-and the cans. Look at the steps by which governments.

have been changed, or rendered stable in Europe. or executed by force. No society ever long en Read the history of Great Britain. Her boasteddured the miseries of anarchy, disorder, and licen. government has risen out of wars, and rebellions, tiousness. The most vile despotism will be emthat lasted above six hundred years. The United braced in preference to it. The nations, from States are travelling peaceably into order and good which we derive our origin, afford innumerable government. They know no strife-but what arises examples of this. I will, however, mention but from the collision of opinions; and, in three years, one. When the parliament of England had de. they have advanced farther in the road to stability and happiness, than most of the nations in Europe have done, in as many centuries.

There is but one path that can lead the United States to destruction; and that is, their extent of territory. It was probably to effect this, that Great Britain ceded to us so much waste land. But even this path may be avoided. Let but one new state be exposed to sale at a time; and let the land of fice be shut up, till every part of this new state be settled.

throned and beheaded that faithless tyrant, Charles the first-subdued all their enemies at home and abroad-and changed their monarchy into a republic-one would have supposed, that an assemblage of as great talents as ever adorned human nature, which so highly distinguished the patriots of that time, could not fail of forming a wise and just government, and of transmitting it to their posterity. But the event shewed that the disorderly temper of the people, occasioned by the civil war, would not bear the strong curb of legal authority. Expedient after expedient was tried: and I am extremely sorry to find a passion for retire-government assumed many different shapes to bument so universal among the patriots and heroes mour their passions and prejudices, and lead them of the war. They resemble skilful mariners who, to a willing obedience: but all to no purpose. · after exerting themselves to preserve a ship from The public disorders daily increased. Every little sinking in a storm, in the middle of the ocean, drop club of politicians were for making laws for the asleep, as soon as the waves subside, and leave whole nation. The fair form of equal and legal lithe care of their lives and property, during the remainder of the voyage, to sailors, without know. ledge or experience. Every man in a republic is public property. His time and talents-his youth ➡his manhood—his old age-nay more, his life, bis all, belong to his country.

berty became defaced by a thousand fanciful and impracticable whimsies, until the general distress became insupportable. What followed? The very people, who, a few years before, had dazzled the world with the splendor of their actions, invited back, and enthroned the son of that king, whom Patriots of 1774, 1775, 1776-heroes of 1778, blanche to do as he pleased; and seemed to have they had formerly put to death; gave him carte 1779, 1780! come forward! your country demands forgotten, that they had ever lost a drop of blood, your services!-Philosophers and friends to mankind, come forward! your country demands your or spent a shilling, in defence of their liberty. studies and speculations! Lovers of peace and Gentlemen, let us not lose sight of this awful order, who declined taking part in the late war, precedent. To acquire freedom, is nothing, in come forward! your country forgives your timidity comparison to a wise and profitable use of it. and demands your influence and advice! Hear her Nothing can be more certain, than that Great proclaiming, in sighs and groans, in her govern. Britain would eagerly seize any favorable opporments, in her finances, in her trade, in her manufactures, in her morals, and in her manners, "THE REVOLUTION IS NOT OVER!"

tunity to compass our destruction. She would, to-morrow, pour her fleets and armies into this country, particularly the southern states, if the Part of judge Pendleton's charge to the grand jurors nected, as to secure her from a hostile confederacy. great powers of Europe could be so allied and conof Georgetown, Cheraws, and Camden districts, in The history of those nations every where shews the state of South Carolina, 1787. us, what trivial causes occasion the most important Gentlemen of the grand jury—Is this fatal passion changes in their political systems. Surely, then, for sudden riches, so generally prevalent among it is wise to be on our guard, and in the first place us, to extinguish every sentiment of political and to secure a free and just, but, at the same time, moral duty? Is it to be expected, that one assem- a strong government at home. Without this, the bly after another will be on the side of the debtor? citizens are insecure in their persons and estates: No, gentlemen: the period is not far distant, when that insecurity produces murmuring and discon the laws of the state must be voluntarily obeyed, tent: and that discontent will ever produce a dis

position favorable for trying new changes. In such more than we import, a general bankruptcy must a state, to be attacked by a formidable enemy, be the inevitable consequence.

without soldiers or military stores, and without au thority to compel even our own citizens to obey the laws, we must fall a prey to any foreign power, who may think it worth the cost to subjugate us.

Many people call for large emissions of paper money. For what?-To shift the burdens, which they have incurred by their avarice and folly, from themselves to their better, and more deserving, I have heard, gentlemen of the grand jury, creditors, whose property they choose to hold fast. great complaints against the illiberal and monopo Can any thing be more fraudulent or astonishing? lizing spirit of the British government, on the sub- No, gentlemen: paper medium and sheriffs' sale ject of commerce with America-ber numerous bills, are only temporary expedients, a repetition duties on American produce—and her refusal to of which, in a very short time, would be insup, enter into treaties for mutual benefits in trade. portable. They were intended, at a singular criIt must surely be highly ridiculous to abuse one sis, to open a retreat even to the foolish and exnation for profiting by the follies of another. Do travagant, as well as the unfortunate debtor, by af. we expect that Great Britain, as a trading nation, fording an opportunity to retrieve, but not to give will not exert every nerve to hold fast the com- impunity to the one, or a release to the other. The mercial advantages, which our avidity for her ne honest and industrious man will seize the opportu groes and manufactures hath given her? Is it not nity to lay up against the day of account and pay. the steady policy of every nation in Europe, to ment, while nothing will correct or reclaim the promote and extend their own commerce by every indolent and fraudulent knave. But, as I said, the possible means, let it be at the expense of whom- period is at hand, when the punctual payment of soever it will? Yes, gentlemen: and let us act taxes and debts must take place voluntarily; or the with such caution and punctuality, as to make uninterrupted recovery of them, in the courts of it her interest to solicit, and we shall soon find justice, be enforced. Palliatives are exhausted. ber courting, with douceurs, those commercial We must either relinquish government, resign our compacts, which she now so contemptuously de-independence, and embrace a military masterclines. At the close of the war, indeed, she stood for execute our laws by force of arms, if no alternatrembling with apprehension, lest our two allies, tive is left us. But, before we are compelled to reFrance and Holland, should monopolize our trade. sort to this disgraceful and painful ultimatum, let us A treaty, pressed at that moment, and properly all exert ourselves, and support each other, as free urged-the sine qua non of all future amity and in-citizens, acknowledging no master but the laws, tercourse, would, in all probability, have produced which we ourselves have made for our common an inlet of American built vessels into her islands, good-obeying those laws, and enforcing them, and an exemption from many other injurious re- when and where we can. Let no man say, this or straints. But the favorable moment slipt through that is not my business. Whatever materially af our hands unimproved, and (I fear) never to re-fects the honor and interest of the state, is every turn. The only possible way left us to recover it, man's business; because he must, in common with is, to live within our income; to secure a balance all others, share the good or evil brought upon his of trade in our favor; and to urge the federal go. country. The man who refuses or evades the pay. vernment to such general regulations, as shall sement of taxes imposed by his immediete represencure us from the infamous vassalage into which we tative, or excites or co-operates in the resistance are hurrying. If three or four thousand pounds of lawful authority, is the parricide of his country, sterling worth of merchandise, (annually) which as well as the voluntary assassin of his own insum will include a great many luxuries, be suffi- terest; since it is impossible he can be tranquil or cient for all our rational wants, when our exports happy, or enjoy his property in peace and security, greatly exceed that sum, and are annually increas. while his country is convulsed and distracted. ing-is it not obvious to the meanest capacity, that a large balance must yearly return to us in gold and silver? which, in spite of all the paper-money casuists in the world, is the only wholesome political blood that can give union, health, and vigor to the body politic.

lected you, as their principal auxiliary and most As grand jurors, gentlemen, the laws have se responsible guardians. On you, then, it is peculiarly incumbent to interest yourselves in the conduct of all around you. You have the greatest property to lose: and your example, therefore,

If we do not curtail our expenses, and export must be of the greatest weight. Investigate the

police of your district: and, wherever any person thence clothed with the noblest of titles, with has accepted a public trust, and neglects or abuses that which effaces all others; charged, in the name it, drag him forth, let his office, fortune, or cha-of the father of his country, and the beneficent racter be what it may. If keepers of ferries, high-protector of his subjects, to offer a support to those ways, or bridges, do not discharge their duty-if who were born to enjoy the blessings of his governe the officers of justice violate the trust reposed in mentin thera-you are bound, in duty to your country, to yourselves and to your children, as well as by the solemn oath you have just taken, to name them in your presentments, together with the names of such witnesses as can prove the charge. Even in your private capacity, as citizens, to inform against and prosecute all such offenders, is highly me ritorious. The malevolence which may, for a time, be directed against an honest, spirited, and patriotic citizen, is like the harmless hissing of serpents, that cannot bite. He will soon triumph over their impotent clamour, and obtain the esteem and support of all good men.

To all his countrymen in North America. You were born French; you never could cease to be French. The late war, which was not declared but by the captivity of nearly all our seamen, and the principal advantages of which our common ene. mies entirely owed to the courage, the talents, and the numbers of the brave Americans, who are now fighting against them, has wrested from you that which is most dear to all men, even the name of your country. To compel you to bear the arms of parricides against it, must be the completion of misfortunes: With this you are now threatened: A new war may justly make you dread being obliged to submit to this most intolerable law of slavery. It has commenced like the last, by depredations upon the most valuable part of our

I have been actuated in the plain and pointed observations you have just heard, by an ardent zeal for the honor and prosperity of my country. This is not a time to lessen or extenuate the terror, trade. Too long already have a great number of which the present dangerous crisis must inspire. unfortunate Frenchmen been confined in American To know our danger, to face it like men, and to prisons. You hear their groans. The present war was declared by a message in March last from the triumph over it by constancy and courage, is a character this country once justly acquired. Is it to king of Great Britain to both houses of parliament; be sacrificed in the hour of peace, with every in- a most authentic act of the British sovereignty, centive to preserve it? I repeat again, that, with-announcing to all orders of the state, that to trade out a change of conduct, and an union of all the (with America) though without excluding others good men in the state, we are an undone people; from the same right, was to offend; that frankly to the government will soon tumble about our heads, avow such intention, was to defy this sovereignty; and become a prey to the first bold ruffian, who that she would revenge it, and deferred this only shall associate a few desperate adventurers, and to a more advantageous opportunity, when she seize upon it. might do it with more appearance of legality than in the last war: For she declared that she had the right, the will, and the ability to revenge; and accordingly she demanded of parliament the sup plies.

I

I confesss the subject very deeply affects me. shall, therefore pursue it no farther. I do not, however, despair of the republic. There are honest and independent men among us, to retrieve The calamities of war thus proclaimed, have every thing, whatever may be opposed by the vicious and unprincipled, if they will but step forth, been restrained and retarded as much as was possi and act with union and vigor. If they will not, ble, by a monarch whose pacific and disinterested the miseries resulting to their country from the views now reclaim the marks of your former attachutter destruction of all public and private credit, ment, only for your own happiness. Constrained a bankrupt treasury, and the triumph of all man- to repel force by force, and multiplied hostilities ner of fraud, rapine, and licentiousness, together by reprisals which he has at last authorised, if with the scorn and derision of our enemies, if we necessity should carry his arms, or those of his should have any left, be on their heads!

BOSTON, December 3, 1778.

allies, into a country always dear to him, you have not to fear either burnings or devastations: And if gratitude, if the view of a flag always revered A declaration, addressed, in the name of the king of by those who have followed it, should recall to the France, to all the ancient French in North Ame rica. (Translated from the French.)

banners of France, or of the United States, the Indians who loved us, and have been loaded with

The undersigned, authorised by his majesty, and presents by him, whom they also call their Father:

never, no never shall they employ against you, body would be more considered, or have more

their too cruel methods of war. These they must renounce, or they will cease to be our friends.

It is not by menaces that we shall endeavor to avoid combating with our countrymen; nor shall we weaken this declaration by invectives against a great and a brave nation, which we know how, to respect, and hope to vanquish.

power to do good than that of the priests, taking a part in the government; since their respectable conduct has merited the confidence of the people.

I shall not represent to that people, nor to all my countrymen in general, that a vast monarchy, having the same religion, the same manners, the same language, where they find kinsmen, old friends and brethren, must be an inexhaustable source of commerce and wealth, more easily ac

quired, and better secured, by their union, with powerful neighbors, than with strangers of another hemisphere, among whom every thing is different, and who, jealous and despotic sovereigns, would sooner or later treat them as a conquered people, and doubtless much worse than their late country

As a French gentleman, I need not mention to those among you who were born such as well as myself, that there is but one august house in the universe, under which the French can be happy, and serve with pleasure; since its head, and those who are most nearly allied to him by blood, have been at all times, thro' a long line of monarchs, and are at this day more than ever delighted with bearing that very title which Henry IV. regarded men, the Americans, who made them victorious. I shall not urge to a whole people, that to JOIN as the first of his own. I shall not excite your with the United States, is to secure their own regrets for those qualifications, those marks of distinction, those decorations, which, in our manner of thinking, are precious treasures, but from which, by our common misfortunes, the American French, who have known so well how to deserve them, are now precluded. These, I am bold to hope, and to promise, their zeal will very soon procure to be diffused among them. They will merit them when they are to become the friends of our allies.

I shall not ask the military companions of the Marquis of Levi; those who shared his glory, who admired his talents and genius for war, who loved his cordiality and frankness, the principal characteristics of our nobility, whether there be other names in other nations among which they would be better pleased to place their own.

Can the Canadians, who saw the brave Montcalm fall in their defence, can they become the enemies of his nephews? Can they fight against their former leaders, and arm themselves against their kinsmen? At the bare mention of their names, the weapons would fall out of their hands.

I shall not observe to the ministers of the altars, that their evangelic efforts will require the special protection of Providence, to prevent faith being diminished by example, by worldly interest, and by sovereigns whom force has imposed upon them, and whose political indulgence will be lessened

happiness; since a whole people, when thoy acquire the right of thinking and acting for themselves, must know their own interest: But I will declare, and I now formally declare in the name of his majesty, who has authorised and commanded me to do it, that all his former subjects in North America, who shall no more acknowledge the supremacy of Great Britain, may depend upon his protection and support.

Done on board his majesty's ship the Langue. doc, in the harbor of Boston, the 28th day of October, in the year 1778.

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America, without arms, ammunition, discipline, proportionably as those sovereigns shall have less revenue, government, or ally, almost totally stript to fear. I shall not observe, that it is necessary of commerce, and in the weakness of youth, as it for religion that those who preach it should form were, with a "staff and a sling," only dared, "in the a body in the state; and that in Canada no other name of the Lord of Hosts," to engage a gigantic

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