These proceedings were not adapted to the taste of Mr. Henry. On the contrary, they were "gall and worm-wood" to him. The house required to be wrought up to a bolder tone. He rose, there

"Resolved, That a well-regulated militia, composed of gentlemen and yeomen, is the natural strength and only security of a free government; that such a militia, in this colony, would forever render it unnecessary for the mother country to keep among us, for the purpose of our defence, any standing army of mercenary soldiers, always liberties of the people, and would alleviate the subversive of the quiet, and dangerous to the pretext of taxing us for their support.

His judgment was too solid to be duped by appearances, and his heart too firm and manly, to be amused by false and flattering hopes.-Ie had long since read the true character of the British court, and saw that no alternative remained for his coun-fore, and moved the following manly resolutions: try, but abject submission, or heroic resistance. It was not for a soul like Henry's, to hesitate between these courses. He had offered upon the altar of liberty no divided heart. The gulpb of war which yawned before him, was indeed fiery and fearful. But he saw that the awful plunge was inevitable. The body of the convention, however, hesitated. They cast around a "longing lingering look" to those flowery fields, on which peace and ease and joy were still sporting, and it required all the energies of a Mentor, like Henry, to push them from the precipice, and conduct them over the stormy sea of the revolution, to liberty and glory. The convention being formed, and organized for business, proceeded in the first place to express their unqualified approbation of the measures of congress, and to declare that they considered this whole continent as under the highest obligations to that respectable body for the wisdom of their councils, and their unremitted endeavors to maintain and preserve inviolate, the just rights and liberties of his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects in America.

They next resolved, "that the warmest thanks of the convention, and of all the inhabitants of this colony were due, and that this just tribute of applause, be presented to the worthy delegates, deputed by a former convention to represent this colony in general congress, for their cheerful under. taking, and faithful discharge of the very important trust reposed in them."

The morning of the 23d of March was opened by reading a petition and memorial from the assembly of Jamaica, "to the king's most excellent majesty;" whereupon it was resolved "that the unfeigned thanks, and most grateful acknowledge. ments of the convention be presented to that very respectable assembly, for the exceeding generous and affectionate part they have so nobly taken, in the unhappy contest between Great Britain and her colonies, and for their truly patriotic endeavors to fix the just claims of the colonists upon the most permanent constitutional principles; that the assembly be assured, that it is the most ardent wish of this colony (and they were persuaded, of the whole continent of North America) to see a speedy return of those halcyon days when we lived a free and happy people."

"That the establishment of such a militia is, at this time, peculiarly necessary, by the state of our laws, for the protection and defence of the coun. will shortly be so, and that the known remissness try, some of which are already expired, and others of government, in calling us together, in legislative danger and distress, to rely that opportunity will capacity, renders it too insecure, in this time of be given of renewing them, in general assembly, or making any provision to secure our inestimable | rights and liberties from those further violations with which they are threatened.

"Resolved, therefore, that this colony be imme diately put into a state of defence, and that

be a committee to prepare a plan for the embodying, arming and disciplining such a number of men, as may be sufficient for that purpose."

The alarm which such a proposition must have given to those who had contemplated no resistance of a character more serious than petition, non-importation and passive fortitude, and who still hung, with suppliant tenderness, on the skirts of Britain, in the hope of seeing, once more, her maternal smile, will be readily conceived by the reflecting reader. The shock was painful: it was almost general. The resolutions were opposed, as not only rash in policy, but as harsh, and well nigh impious, in point of feeling. Some of the warmest patriots of the convention opposed them. Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton, who had so lately drunk of the fountain of patriotism, in the continental con. gress, and Robert C. Nicholas, one of the best, as well as ablest men and patriots in the state, gave them all the resistance of their great influence and abilities. They urged the late gracious reception

of the congressional petition by the throne.-They upon us from the east, and which promised so fair insisted that national comity, and much ́more, and happy a day: with this they contrasted the filial respect, demanded the exercise of a more clouds and storms which the measure, now prodignified patience:-that tire sympathies of the posed, was so well calculated to raise, and in which parent country were now on our side; that the we should not have even the poor consolation of friends of American liberty, in parliament, were being pitied by the world, since we should have, still with us, and bad, as yet, had no cause to blush so needlessly and rashly, drawn them upon ourfor our indiscretion; that the manufacturing in- selves."

These arguments and topics of persuasion were terest of Great Britain, already smarting under the effects of our non-importation, co-operated power-so well justified by the appearance of things, and fully towards our relief; that the sovereign himself were, moreover, so entirely in unison with that love had relented, and shown that he looked upon our of ease and quiet, which is natural to man, and that Was this the disposition to hope for happier times, even under sufferings with an eye of pity. moment, they asked, to disgust our friends, to the most forbidding circumstances, that an ordinary extinguish all the conspiring sympathies which man, in Mr. Henry's situation, would have been were working in our favor, to turn their friend-glad to compound with the displeasure of the ship into hatred; their pity into revenge? And house, by being permitted to withdraw his resolu. what was there, they asked, in the situation of the tions in silence.

He rose, at this time, with a majesty unusual

Not so Mr. Henry. His was a spirit fitted to colony, to tempt us to this? Were we a great military people? Were we ready for war? Where raise the whirlwind, as well as to ride in and direct were our stores-where were our armis-where our it. His was that comprehensive view, that unerring soldiers-where our generals-where our money, prescience, that perfect command over the actions the sinews of war? They were no where to be of men, that qualified him, not merely to guide, found. In truth, we were poor-we were naked-but almost to create the destinies of nations. we were defenceless: and yet we talk of assuming the front of war!-of assuming it too, against a nation, one of the most formidable in the world! a to him, in an exordium, and with all that selfnation, ready and armed at all points!-her navies possession by which he was so invariably distinguished. "No man," he said, "thought more highly riding triumphant in every sea-her armies never marching but to certain victory?-What was to be than he did of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who had just adthe issue of the struggle we were called upon to dressed the house. But different men often saw court? What could be the issue, in the comparathe same subject in different lights; and therefore, tive circumstances of the two countries, but to yield up this country, an easy prey to Great Bri. he hoped it would not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if entertaining, as he did, opi. tain, and to convert the illegitimate right, which nions of a character very opposite to theirs, he the British parliament now claimed, into a firm and should speak his sentiments, freely and without indubitable right, by conquest? The measure might| reserve. This, he said, was no time for ceremony. be brave; but it was the bravery of madmen. It The question before the house, was one of awful had no pretension to the character of prudence, moment to this country. For his own part, he and as little to the grace of genuine courage. It considered it, as nothing less than a question of would be time enough to resort to measures of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the despair, when every well founded hope had entirely magnitude of the subject, ought to be the freevanished. dom of the debate. It was only in this way that To this strong view of the subject, supported they could hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the as it was, by the stubborn fact of the well known great responsibility which they held to God and helpless condition of the colony, the opponents of their country. Should he keep back his opinions, at such a time, through fear of giving offence, he those resolutions superadded every topic of persuashould consider himself as guilty of treason to"The strength sion which belonged to the case. and lustre which we derived from our connexions wards his country, and of an act of disloyalty towith Great Britain-the domestic comforts which wards the Majesty of Heaven, which he revered before all earthly kings."

we had drawn from the same source, and whose
value we were now able to estimate, by their loss "Mr. President," said he, “it is natural to man
-that ray of reconciliation, which was dawning to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt

to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen! —we have remonstrated-we have supplicated-we to the song of that syren, till she transforms us have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and into beasts. Was this, he asked, the part of wise have implored its interposition, to arrest the tyranmen, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for nical hands of the ministry and parliament.—Our liberty? Were we disposed to be of the number petitions have been slighted-our remonstrances of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, have produced additional violence and insulthear not the things which so nearly concern their our supplications have been disregarded, and we temporal salvation? For his part, whatever anguish have been spurned with contempt from the foot of spirit it might cost, he was willing to know the whole truth-to know the worst, and to provide for it."

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of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-if we mean to preserve inviolate those "He had," he said, "but one lamp, by which his inestimable privileges, for which we have been so feet were guided, and that was the lamp of ex- long contending-if we mean not basely to abandon perience. He knew of no way of judging the the noble struggle, in which we have been so long future, but by the past; and judging by the past, engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves he wished to know what there had been in the never to abandon, until the glorious object of our conduct of the British ministry for the last ten contest shall be obtained-WE MUST FIGHT! I reyears, to justify those hopes with which gentle-peat it, sir, WE MUST FIGHT!! An appeal to arms, men had been pleased to solace themselves and the and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us!" house. It is that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, "Imagine to yourself," says my correspondent,* sir, it will prove a snare to your feet.-Suffer not "this sentence, delivered with all the calm dignity yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask your of Cato, of Utica-imagine to yourself the Roman selves how this gracious reception of our petition senate, assembled in the capitol, when it was comports with those warlike preparations, which entered by the profane Gauls, who, at first, were cover our waters, and darken our land? Are fleets awed by their presence, as if they had entered an and armies necessary to a work of love and recon- assembly of the Gods!-imagine that you heard that ciliation? Have we shewn ourselves so unwilling Cato addressing such a senate-imagine that you to be reconciled, that force must be called in, to saw the hand writing on the wall of Belshazar's win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, palace-imagine you had heard a voice, as from sir. These are the implements of war and subjuga. Heaven, uttering the words "We must fight," as tion-the last arguments, to which kings resort. I the doom of fate, and you may have some idea of ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, the speaker, the assembly to whom he addressed if its purposes be not to force us to submission? himself, and the auditory, of which I was one. Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation we are weak-unable to cope with so formidable of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over, to bind and rivet upon us those chains, which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Sball we try argument?-Sir, we have been trying that, for the last ten years. Have we any thing new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable: but it has been all in vain.Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find, which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every thing that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned

"They tell us, sir," continued Mr. Henry, "that

an adversary. But when shall we be stronger?Will it be the next week or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.-Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we

Judge Tucker.

shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just pendence was the effect of ministerial oppression God, who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged: their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is enevitable; and let it come!! I repeat it, sir-LET IT COME!!!

and not the result of a pre-concerted plan.-Tho' intended for the bosom of private friendship, those letters may legitimately be considered as conveying the sentiments of the whole American people at that time. They evince the reluctance with which a separation from Great Britain was contemplated; and do away the idea held out by some English writers, that "independence had long been meditated by the leading characters in the colonies, and that they availed themselves of the obnoxious acts of the British government for its assertion."

"It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter: Gentlemen may cry, "peace peace;" but there is no Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to Dr. Wm. Small, peace; the war is actually begun! The next gale formerly one of the professors of William and Mathat sweeps from the north will bring to our ears ry, but then at Birmingham, in England, where he the clash of resounding arms? Our brethren are successfully applied his extensive scientific knowalready in the field! Why stand we here idle?-ledge to practical improvements, in various manuWhat is it that gentlemen wish? What would factures, &c. dated May 7th, 1775, writes as folthey have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, lows: as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery!!! Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but, as for me" (cried he, with both his arms extended aloft, his brows knit, every feature marked with the resolute purpose of his soul, and his voice swelled to its boldest note of exclamation,) "GIVE ME LIBERTY

OR GIVE ME DEATH."

He took his seat. No murmur of applause was heard; the effect was too deep. After the trance of a moment, several members were seen to start from their seats. The cry "to arms," seemed to quiver on every lip, and gleam from every eye! Richard H. Lee, arose and supported Mr. Henry, but even his melody was lost amidst the agitation of that ocean, which the master spirit of the storm had lifted on high. That supernatural voice still sounded in their ears, and shivered along their arteries. They heard in every pause the cry of liberty or death. They became impatient of speech. Their souls were on fire for action.

"Within this week, we have received the unhappy news of an action of considerable magnitude between the king's troops and our brethren of Boston, in which it is said 500 of the former, with the earl of Percy, were slain. That such an action has happened is undoubted, though, perhaps, the circumstances may not yet have reached us with truth. This accident has cut off our last hopes of reconciliation, and a phrenzy of revenge seems to have seized all ranks of people.-It is a lamentable circumstance that the only mediatory power acknowledged by both parties, instead of leading to a reconciliation this divided people, should pursue the incendiary purpose of still blowing up the flames, as we find him constantly doing in every speech, and public declaration. This may, perhaps, be intended to intimidate into an acqui

escence, but the effect has been most unfortu

nately otherwise. A little knowledge of human nature, and attention to its ordinary workings, might have foreseen that the spirits of the people The measure was adopted; and Patrick Henry, were in a state, in which they were more likely to Richard II. Lee, Robert C. Nicholas, Benjamin be provoked than frightened by haughty deportHarrison, Lemuel Riddick, George Washington, ment; and to fill up the measure of irritation, Adam Stevens, Andrew Lewis, William Christian, proscription of individuals has been substituted Edmund Pendleton, Thomas Jefferson, and Isaac in the room of just trial. Can it be believed that Zane, esquires, were appointed a committee to pre a grateful people will suffer those to be consigned pare the plan called for by the last resolution. to execution whose sole crime has been developing and asserting their right? Had the parliament pos. sessed the liberty of reflection, they would have avoided a measure as impotent as it was inflamma. tory. When I saw lord Chatham's bill, I entertained high hopes that a reconciliation could have

Letters from Thomas Jefferson. From the Richmond Compiler of April 6, 1816. The following are extracts from letters tending to prove that the American declaration of inde

been brought about. The difference between his give up, every thing but the right of taxation. terms, and those offered by our congress, might have been accommodated, if entered on by both parties with a disposition to accommodate; but the dignity of parliament, it seems, can brook no opposition to its power. Strange, that a set of men who have made sale of their virtue to the minister, should yet talk of retaining dignity!"

Another letter from the same gentleman to John Randolph, the former attorney general, dated Au gust 25th, 1775, contains the annexed passage:

Now, the truth is far from this, as I can affirm, and put my honor to the assertion. Their continuing in this error, may, perhaps, bave very ill consequences. The congress stated the lowest terms they thought possible to be accepted, in order to convince the world they were not unreasonable. They gave up the monopoly and regulation of trade, and all acts passed prior to 1761, leaving to British generosity to render these, at some future time, as easy to America as the inte. rests of Great Britain could admit. I wish no false "I am sorry the situation of our country should sense of honor, no ignorance of our real intentions, render it not eligible to you to remain longer in it. no vain hope that partial concessions of right will I hope the returning wisdom of Great Britain will be accepted, may induce the ministry to trifle ere long put an end to the unnatural contest. There with accommodation 'till it shall be put even out may be people to whose tempers and dispositions of our own power to accommodate. If, indeed, contention may be pleasing, and who may therefore Great Britain, disjoined from her colonies, be a wish a continuance of confusion; but to me, it is of match for the most potent nations of Europe, with all states but one, the most horrid. My first wish the colonies thrown into their scale, they may go is a restoration of our just rights; my second a re-on securely; but if they are not assured of this, it turn of the happy period when, consistently with would be certainly unwise, by trying the event of duty, I may withdraw myself totally from the pub- another campaign, to risk our accepting a foreign lic eye, and pass the rest of my days in domes-aid, which, perhaps, may not be unattainable but tic ease and tranquility, banishing every desire of on a condition of everlasting avulsion from Great afterwards even hearing what passes in the world. Britain. This would be thought a hard condition Perhaps, ardour for the latter adds considerably to those who wish for re-union with the parent to the warmth of the former wish. Looking with country. I am sincerely one of those, and would rafondness towards a reconciliation with Great Bri-ther be in dependence on Great Britain, properly litain, I cannot help hoping you may be able to con-mited, than on any nation upon earth, or than on no tribute towards expediting this good work. I nation; but I am one of those too, who rather than think it must be evident to yourself that the minis. submit to the right of legislating for us, assumed try have been deceived by their officers on this side the water, who (for what purposes I cannot tell) have constantly represented the American op. position as that of a small faction, in which the *This is understood to have alluded to a bill, body of the people took little part. This you can passed by the house of lords at their preceding session, excepting from the benefit of any general inform them, of your own knowledge, to be untrue. pardon which might be offered, certain individuals They have taken it into their heads, too, that we by name. Mr. Montague, then agent for the house are cowards, and shall surrender at discretion to of burgesses of Virginia (which place was procur. ed for him by the interest of Peyton Randolph, an armed force. The past and future operations speaker of the house, and his early and intimate of the war must confirm or undeceive them on friend) extracted the substance of the bill, and the that head. I wish they were thoroughly and mi. names excepted, and enclosed the extract to Peyton Randolph. Among the persons excepted were nutely acquainted with every circumstance rela- Hancock and one or both Adamses, as notorious tive to America, as it exists in truth. I am per- leaders of the opposition in Massachusetts, Patrick suaded they would go far towards disposing them Henry, as the same in Virginia, Peyton Randolph, as president of the general congress at Philadel to reconciliation. Even those in parliament who phia, and Thomas Jefferson, as author of a propo are called friends to America, seem to know no- sition to the convention of Virginia for an address to the king, in which was maintained that there thing of our real determinations. I observe they was in right no link of union between England pronounced in the last parliament that the con- and the colonies but that of the same king, and gress of 1774 did not mean to insist rigorously on that neither the parliament, nor any other func tionary of that government, had any more right to the terms they held out, but kept something in re-exercise authority over the colonies, than over the serve to give up, and in fact, that they would electorate of Hanover, &c.

by the British parliament, and which late experience* has shewn they will so cruelly exercise, would lend my hand to sink the whole island in the ocean.