moreover, demonstrate the falsehood of those sys- the success of these manufactories beyond a bare tems of government, which exclude patriotism possibility, and seems to render it in some measure from the list of virtues; and show, that we act most certain. The resolves of the congress have been surely for ourslves, when we act most disinterestedly executed with a fidelity hardly known to laws in for the public.

When I reflect

any country, and that too without the assistance of fire and sword, or even of the civil magistrate, The POSSIBILITY of establishing woolen, cotton and linen manufactories among us is plain, from the and in some places, in direct opposition to them success which hath attended several attempts that all. It gives me the utmost pleasure to mention have been made for that purpose. A great part here, that our province is among the foremost of of the inhabitants of several of the counties in this the colonies in the peaceable mode of opposition province, clothe themselves entirely with woolens recommended by the congress. and linens manufactured in their own families. Our upon the temper we have discovered in the prewool is equal in quality to the wool of several sent controversy, and compare it with the habitual European countries, and if the same pains were spirit of industry and economy for which we are bestowed in the culture of our sheep, which are celebrated among strangers, I know not how to estimate our virtue high enough. I am sure no used in England and Spain, I have no doubt but in a few years our wool would equal the wool of objects will appear too difficult, nor no undertakings too expensive for us in the present strug. Segovia itself. Nor will there be a deficiency in

the quantity of wool which will be necessary for gle. The sum of money which has been already

subscribed for the purpose of these manufactories, is a proof that I am not too sanguine in my expectations from this province.

The

us, if we continue to adhere to the association of the congress, as strictly as we have done. If the city of Philadelphia consumes 20,000 sheep less this year, than it did last, how many 20,000 sheep I come now to point out the ADVANTAGES we may we suppose will be saved throughout the whole shall derive from establishing the woolen, cotton province. According to the ordinary increase in and linen manufactories among us. The first ad. the breed of sheep, and allowing for the additional vantage I shall mention is, we shall save a large quantity of wool, which a little care of them will sum of money annually in our province. produce, I think I could make it appear that in province of Pennsylvania is supposed to contain five years there will be wool enough raised in the 400,000 inhabitants. Let us suppose, that only province to clothe the whole of its inhabitants. 50,000 of these are clothed with the woolens, Cotton may be imported upon such terms from the cottons and linens of Great Britain, and that the West-Indies and southern colonies, as to enable us price of clothing each of these persons, upon an to manufacture thicksets, calicoes, &c. at a much average, amounts to £5 sterling a year. If this cheaper rate than they can be imported from Bri- computation be just, then the sum annually saved tain. Considering how much these stuffs are worn in our province by the mauufactory of our clothes by those classes of people who constitute the ma will amount to £250,000 sterling. Secondly, Manu. jority of the inhabitants of our country, the en- factories, next to agriculture, are the basis of the couragement of the cotton manufactory appears to riches of every country. Cardinal Ximenes is rebe an object of the utmost consequence. I can-membered at this day in Spain more for the imnot help suggesting in this place, although it may provement he made in the breed of sheep, by im. appear foreign to our subject, that the trade to the porting a number of rams from Barbary, than for West Indies and southern colonies for cotton, would any other services he rendered his country. King create such a commercial union, with the middle Edward the IV, and queen Elizabeth, of England, and northern colonies, as would tend greatly to are mentioned with gratitude by historians for strengthen that political union which now subsists passing acts of parliament to import a number of between them. I need say nothing of the facility sheep from Spaw; and to this mixture of Spanish of cultivating flax, nor of the excellent quality of with English sheep, the wool of the latter owes of the linens which have been already manufactured its peculiar excellence and reputation, all over the among us. I shall only add, that this manufactory world. Louis the XIV. king of France, knew the be carried on without lessening the value of importance of a woolen manufactory in his kingthat trade which arises from the exportation of our flaxseed to Ireland.

may

I cannot help laying a good deal of stress upon the public spirit of my countrymen, which removes

dom, and in order to encourage it, allowed several exclusive privileges to the company of woolen traders in Paris. The effects of this royal patronage of this manufactory have been too sensibly felt

by the English, who have, within these thirty or from the torpid state in which they existed in their forty years, had the mortification of seeing the own country, and place them in circumstances trade up the Levant, for woolen cloths, in some which enable them to become husbands and fathers, measure monopolized by the French. It is remark-and thus we add to the general tide of human able that the riches, and naval power of France happiness. Fifthly, The establishment of manuhave increased in proportion to this very lucrative factories in this country, by lessening our imports trade. Thirdly, By establishing these manufac- from Great Britain, will deprive European luxuries tories among us, we shall employ a number of poor and vices of those vehicles in which they have been people in our city, and that too in a way most transported to America. The wisdom of the conagreeable to themselves, and least expensive to gress cannot be too much admired in putting a the company; for, according to our plan, the princi- check to them both. They have in effect said to pal part of the business will be carried on in their them-"Thus far shall ye go, and no further.”— own houses. Travellers through Spain inform us, Sixthly, By establishing manufactories among us, that in the town of Segovia, which contains 60,000 we erect an additional barrier against the encroach. inhabitants, there is not a single beggar to be seen, ments of tyranny. A people, who are entirely de. This is attributed entirely to the woolen manu-[pendent upon foreigners for food or clothes, must factory which is carried on in the most extensive always be subject to them. I need not detain you manner in that place, affording constant employ-in setting forth the misery of holding property, liment to the whole of their poor people. Fourthly, berty and life upon the precarious will of our By establishing the woolen, cotton and linen manu- fellow subjects in Britain, I beg leave to add factories in this country, we shall invite manufac thought in this place which has been but little turers from every part of Europe, particularly from attended to by the writers upon this subject, and Britain and Ireland, to come and settle among us, that is, that proverty, confinement and death are To men who want money to purchase lands, and trifling evils, when compared with that total dewho, from habits of manufacturing, are disinclined pravity of heart which is connected with slavery, to agriculture, the prospect of meeting with em. By becoming slaves, we shall lose every principle ployment as soon as they arrive in this country, in of virtue. We shall transfer unlimited obedience a way they have been accustomed to, would lessen from our Maker, to a corrupted majority in the the difficulties of emigration, and encourage thou- British house of commons, and shall esteem their sands to come and settle in America. If they crimes, the certificates of their divine commission increased our riches by increasing the value of to govern us. We shall cease to look with horror our property, and if they added to our strength by upon the prostitution of our wives and daughters, adding to our numbers only, they would be a great by those civil and military harpies, who now hover acquisition to us. But there are higher motives around the liberties of our country. We shall which should lead us to invite strangers to settle cheerfully lay them both at their feet. We shall in this country. Poverty, with its other evils, has hug our chains. We shall cease to be men. joined with it in every part of Europe, all the shall be SLAVES. miseries of slavery. America is now the only asylum for liberty in the whole world. The preBent contest with Great Britain was perhaps intend- in this country. ed by the Supreme Being, among other wise and benevolent purposes, to show the world this asylum, The first, and most common objection to manu, -which, from its remote and unconirected situation factories in this country is, that they will draw off with the rest of the globe, might have remained a our attention from agriculture. This objection secret for ages. By establishing manufactories, we derives great weight from being made originally stretch forth a hand from the ark to invite the by the duke of Sully, against the establishment of timid manufacturers to come in. It might afford manufactories in France. But the history of that us pleasure to trace the new sources of happiness country shows us, that it is more founded in speculawhich would immediately open to our fellow tion than fact. France has become opulent and creatures from their settlement in this country. powerful in proportion as manufactories have Manufactories have been accused of being un- flourished in her, and if agriculture has not kept friendly to population. I believe the charge should pace with her manufactories, it is owing entirely fall upon slavery. By bringing manufacturers into to that ill-judged policy which forbad the exporta, this land of liberty and plenty, we recover them tion of grain, I believe it will be found, upon en

We

been made to the establishment of manufactories I shall now consider the objections which have

quiry, that a greater number of hands have beenftish manufactures. By manufacturing our own taken from the plough, and employed in importing, cloths we deprive ourselves of the only weapon retailing and transporting British woolens, cottons by which we can hereafter effectually oppose Great and linens, than would be sufficient to manufacture Britain. Before we answer this objection, it be. as much of them, as would clothe all the inhabitants comes us to acknowledge the obligations we owe of the province. There is an endless variety into our merchants for consenting, so cheerfully, to the geniuses of men, and it would be to preclude a suspension of their trade with Britain. From the exertion of the faculties of the mind, to con- the benefits we have derived from their virtue, fine them entirely to the simple arts of agriculture. it would be unjust to insinuate that ever there will Besides, if these manufactories were conducted as be the least danger of trusting the defence of our they ought to be, two thirds of the labor of them liberties to them; but I would wish to guard against will be carried on by those members of society who placing one body of men only upon that forlorn cannot be employed in agriculture, namely, by wo. men and children.

A second objection is, that we cannot manu. facture cloths so cheap here, as they can be im ported from Britain. It has been the misfortune of most of the manufactories which have been set

up in this country, to afford labor to journeymen, only for six or nine months in the year, by which means their wages have necessarily been so high as to support them in the intervals of their labor. It will be found, upon enquiry, that those manu factories which occupy journeymen the whole year, are carried on at as cheap a rate as they are in Britain. The expense of manufacturing cloth will be lessened from the great share women and children will have in them; and I have the pleasure of informing you that the machine lately brought into this city for lessening the expense of time and hands in spinning, is likely to meet with encourage ment from the legislature of our province. In a word, the experiments which have been already made among us, convince us that woolens and linens of all kinds, may be made and bought as cheap as those imported from Britain, and I be lieve every one, who has tried the former, will acknowledge that they wear twice as well as the latter,

hope to which a non-importation agreement must always expose them. For this purpose, I would fill their stores with the manufactures of American looms, and thus establish their trade upon a foundation that cannot be shaken. Here then we derive an answer to the last objection that was mentioned; for, in proportion as manufactories flourish in America, they must decline in Britain, and it is well known that nothing but her manu

factories have rendered her formidable in all our

contests with her. These are the foundations of

all her riches and power. These have made her merchants nobles, and her nobles princes. These carried her so triumphantly through the late expensive war, and these are the support of a power more dangerous to the liberties of America, than her fleets and armies, I mean the power of corruption. I am not one of those vindictive patriots who exult in the prospect of the decay of the manufactories of Britain. I can forgive her late attempts to enslave us, in the memory of our once mutual freedom and happiness. And should her liberty-her arts-her fleets and armies and her empire, ever be interred in Britain, I hope they will all rise in British garments only in America.

WATERTOWN, April 26th, 1775. In provincial congress of Massachusetts, to the inhabitants of Great Britain.

A third objection to manufactories is, that they destroy health, and are hurtful to population. The Friends and fellow subjects-Hostilities are at same may be said of navigation, and many other length commenced in this colony by the troops arts which are essential to the happiness and glory under the command of general Gage, and it being of a state. I believe that many of the diseases to of the greatest importance, that an early, true, which the manufacturers in Britain are subject, are and authentic account of this inhuman proceeding brought on, not so much by the nature of their should be known to you, the congress of this colony employment, but by their unwholesome diet, damp have transmitted the same, and from want of a houses, and other bad accommodations, each of session of the hon, continental congress, think it which may be prevented in America. proper to address you on the alarming occasion.

A fourth objection to establishing manufactories By the clearest depositions relative to this in this country is a political one. The liberties of transaction, it will appear that on the night precedAmerica have been twice, and we hope will be a ling the nineteenth of April instant, a body of the third time preserved by a non-importation of Bri- king's troops, under command of colonel Smith,

were secretly landed at Cambridge, with an ap-, inactive spectators of measures in which they parent design to take or destroy the military and themselves are so deeply interested—measures, other stores, provided for the defence of this co- pursued in opposition to the solemn protests of lony, and deposited at Concord-that some inha- many noble lords, and expressed sense of conspicu. bitants of the colony, on the night aforesaid, whilst ous commoners, whose knowledge and virtue have travelling peaceably on the road, between Boston long characterized them as some of the greatest and Concord, were seized and greatly abused by men in the nation-measures, executed contrafy armed men, who appeared to be officers of gene. to the interest, petitions and resolves of many ral Gage's army; that the town of Lexington, by large, respectable and opulent counties, cities and these means, was alarmed, and a company of the boroughs in Great Britain-measures highly ininhabitants mustered on the occasion-that the compatible with justice, but still pursued with a regular troops on their way to Concord, marched specious pretence of easing the nation of its burinto the said town of Lexington, and the said com-thens-Measures which, if successful, must end in pany, on their approach, began to disperse-that, the ruin and slavery of Britain, as well as the pernotwithstanding this, the regulars rushed on with secuted American colonies.

We sincerely hope that the Great Sovereign of the universe, who hath so often appeared for the English nation, will support you in every rational and manly exertion with these colonies, for saving it from ruin, and that, in a constitutional connection with the mother country, we shall soon be altoge ther a free and happy people. By order,

great violence and first began hostilities, by firing on said Lexington company, whereby they killed eight, and wounded several others-that the regulars continued their fire, until those of said company, who were neither killed nor wounded, had made their escape-that colonel Smith, with the detachment then marched to Concord, where a number of provincials were again fired on by the troops, two of them killed and several wounded, before the provincials fired on them, and that these hostile measures of the troops, produced an engage. The following is a copy of a letter from general Lee ment that lasted through the day, in which many of the provincials and more of the regular troops were killed and wounded.

JOSEPH WARREN, president, P. T.

to general Burgoyne, upon his arrival in Boston. PHILADELPHIA, June 7, 1775.

My dear sir-We have had twenty different acTo give a particular account of the ravages of counts of your arrival at Boston, which have been the troops, as they retreated from Concord to regularly contradicted the next morning; but as I Charlestown, would be very difficult, if not im- now find it certain that you are arrived, I shall not practicable; let it suffice to say, that a great num- delay a single instant addressing myself to you. ber of the houses on the road were plundered and It is a duty I owe to the friendship I have long and rendered unfit for use, several were burnt, women sincerely professed for you; a friendship to which in child-bed were driven by the soldiery naked into you have the strongest claim from the first mothe streets, old men peaceably in their houses ments of our acquaintance. There is no man from were shot dead, and such scenes exhibited as would disgrace the annals of the most uncivilized

nation.

whom I have received so many testimonies of esteem and affection; there is no man whose esteem and affection could, in my opinion, have done me These, brethren, are marks of ministerial ven- greater honor. I intreat and conjure you, theregeance against this colony, for refusing, with her fore, my dear sir, to impute these lines not to a sister colonies, a submission to slavery; but they petulant itch of scribbling, but to the most have not yet detached us from our royal sovereign. unfeigned solicitude for the future tranquility of We profess to be his loyal and dutiful subjects, your mind, and for your reputation. I sincerely and so hardly dealt with as we have been, are still lament the infatuation of the times, when men of ready, with our lives and fortunes, to defend his such a stamp as. Mr. Burgoyne and Mr. Howe, can person, family, crown and dignity. Nevertheless, be seduced into so impious and nefarious a service to the persecution and tyranny of his cruel ministry by the artifice of a wicked and insidious court and we will not tamely submit-appealing to Heaven cabinet. You, sir, must be sensible that these for the justice of our cause, we determine to die epithets are not unjustly severe. You have your. self experienced the wickedness and treachery of this court and cabinet. You cannot but recollect their manœuvres in your own select committee,

or be free.

We cannot think that the honor, wisdom and valour of Britons will suffer them to be longer

and the treatment yourself, as president, received and integrity, (because of a certain profession) lay from these abandoned men. You cannot but re- it down as a rule implicitly to obey the mandates collect the black business of St. Vincents, by an of a court, be they ever so flagitious. It furnishes, opposition to which you acquired the highest and in my opinion, the best arguments for the total most deserved honor. I shall not trouble you with reduction of the army. But I am running into a my opinion of the right of taxing America without tedious essay, whereas I ought to confine myself to her own consent, as I am afraid, from what I have the main design and purpose of this letter, which seen of your speeches, that you have already formed is to guard you and your colleagues from those your creed on this article; but I will boldly affirm, prejudices which the same miscreants, who have had this right been established by a thousand infatuated general Gage and still surround him, statutes, had America admitted it from time will labor to instil into you against a brave, loyal immemorial, it would be the duty of every good and most deserving people. The avenues of truth. Englishman, to exert his utmost to divest parlia- will be shut up to you. I assert, sir, that even ment of this right, as it must inevitably work the general Gage will deceive you as he has deceived subversion of the whole empire. The malady un- himself; I do not say he will do it designedly. I der which the state labors is indisputably derived do not think him capable; but his mind is so totally from the inadequate representation of the subject, poisoned, and his understanding so totally blinded and the vast pecuniary influence of the crown. To by the society of fools and knaves, that he no longer add to this pecuniary influence and incompetency is capable of discerning facts as manifest as the of representation, is to insure and precipitate our noon day sun. I assert, sir, that he is ignorant, that destruction. To wish any addition, can scarcely he has from the beginning been comsummately enter the heart of a citizen, who has the least spark ignorant of the principles, temper, disposition and of public virtue, and who is at the same time force of the colonies. I assert, sir, that his letters capable of seeing consequences the most imme- to the ministry, (at least such as the public have diate. I appeal, sir, to your own conscience, to seen) are one continued issue of misrepresentation, your experience and knowledge of our court and injustice, and tortured inferences from misstated parliament, and I request you to lay your hand up- facts. I affirm, sir, that he has taken no pains to on your heart, and then answer with your usual inform himself of the truth; that he has never integrity and frankness, whether, on the supposi- conversed with a man who has had the courage or tion America should be abject enough to submit honesty to tell him the truth.-I am apprehensive to the terms imposed, you think a single guinea, that you and your colleagues may fall into the raised upon her, would be applied to the purpose same trap, and it is the apprehension that you may (as it is ostentatiously held out to deceive the peo be inconsiderately hurried, by the vigour and ple at home) of easing the mother country? or whe- activity you possess, into measures which may be ther you are not convinced that the whole they fatal to many innocent individuals, may hereafter could extract would be applied solely to heap up wound your own feelings, and which cannot possistill further the enormous fund for corruption, bly serve the cause of those who sent you, that which the crown already possesses, and of which a has prompted me to address these lines to you. I most diabolical use is made. On these principles most devoutly wish, that your industry, valor and I say, sir, every good Englishman, abstracted of military talents, may be reserved for a more honoraall regard for America, must oppose her being ble and virtuous service against the natural enetaxed by the British parliament; for my own part, mies of your country, (to whom our court are so I am convinced that no argument (not totally basely complaisant) and not be wasted in ineffectual abhorrent from the spirit of liberty and the British attempts to reduce to the wretchedest state of constitution) can be produced in support of this servitude, the most meritorious part of your felright. But it would be impertinent to trouble you low subjects. I say, sir, that any attempts to acupon a subject which has been so amply, and in complish this purpose, must be ineffectual. You my opinion, so fully discussed. I find by a speech cannot possibly succeed. No man is better acgiven as your's in the public papers, that it was quainted with the state of this continent than myby the king's positive command you embarked in self. I have ran through almost the whole colonies, this service. I am somewhat pleased that it is not from the North to the South, and from the South an office of your own seeking, though, at the same to the North. I have conversed with all orders of time, I must confess that it is very alarming to men, from the first estated gentlemen, to the lowest every virtuous citizen, when he sees men of sense planters and farmers, and can assure you, that