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By order of the committee,

SIR—The affair of the powder is now settled, 80 they will be pleased to publish the same in the as to produce satisfaction to me, and I earnestly Gazettes, as soon as possible. wish to the colony in general. The people here have it in charge, from Hanover committee, to tender their service to you, as a public officer, for the purpose of escorting the public treasury to any place

(A copy)

BART. ANDERSON. clerk.

TO THE PUBLIC.

New-York, December 15, 1773.

in this colony, where the money may be judged The following association is signed by a great num.

more safe than in the city of Williamsburg. The reprisal now made by the Hanover volunteers, though accomplished in a manner least liable to the imputation of violent extremity, may possibly be the cause of future injury to the treasury. If therefore you apprehend the least danger, a suffi cient guard is at your service. I beg the return. of the bearer may be instant, because the men wish to know their destination. With great regard, I am, sir, your most humble servant,

PAT. HENRY, jun. TO ROBERT CARTER NICHOLAS, esq. treasurer, Test,

SAMUEL MEREDITH, (A true copy)

GARLAND ANDERSON.

ber of the principal gentlemen of the city, mer. chants, lawyers, and other inhabitants of all ranks, and it is still carried about the city, to give an opportunity to those who have not yet signed to unite with their fellow-citizens, to testify their abhorrence to the diabolical project of enslaving America.

The association of the sons of liberty of New-York. It is essential to the freedom and security of a free people, that no taxes be imposed upon them but by their own consent, or their representatives, For "what property have they in that which anether may, by right, take when he pleases to himself?" The former is the undoubted right of To which an answer was received from the said Englishmen, to secure which they expended milMr. Nicholas, importing, that he had no apprehen- lions and sacrificed the lives of thousands. And sions of the necessity or propriety of the proffered yet, to the astonishment of all the world, and the service. For which reasons, and understanding, grief of America, the commons of Great Britain, moreover, from others, that the private citizens of after the repeal of the memorable and detestable Williamsburg were in a great measure quieted stamp-act, reassumed the power of imposing taxes from their late apprehension for their persons and on the American colonies; and, insisting on it as property, the volunteers judged it best to return a necessary badge of parliamentary supremacy, home, and did so accordingly, in order to wait the passed a bill, in the seventh year of his present mafurther directions of the general congress, or colony jesty's reign, imposing duties on all glass, painters' convention. It appears also to this committee, that colors, paper and teas, that should, after the 20th before, and on the march, strict orders were re- of November, 1767, be “imported from Great Bripeatedly given to the volunteers to avoid all vio-tain into any colony or plantation in America."— lence, injury and insult, towards the persons and This bill, after the concurrence of the lords, property of every private individual; and that in obtained the royal assent. And thus they who, executing the plan of reprisal on the persons of from time immemorial, have exercised the right the king's servants and his property, bloodshed of giving to, or withholding from the crown, their should be avoided, if possible; and that there is aids and subsidies, according to their own free will the strongest reason to believe that the foregoing and pleasure, signified by their representatives in orders, respecting private persons and property, parliament, do, by the act in question, deny us, were strictly observed.

their brethren in America, the enjoyment of the same right. As this denial, and the execution of that act, involves our slavery, and would sap the foundation of our freedom, whereby we should be. come slaves to our brethren and fellow subjects, born to no greater stock of freedom than the Ame. ricans-the merchants and inhabitants of this city, in conjunction with the merchants and inhabitants of the ancient American colonies, entered into an agreement to decline a part of their commerce with Great Britain, until the abovementioned act Ordered, That the clerk do transmit a copy of should be totally rapealed. This agreement operatthose proceedings to the printers, and desire that ed so powerfully to the disadvantage of the mann

Resolved, That this committee do approve of the proceedings of the officers and soldiers of the volunteer company, and do return them their most sincere thanks for their services on the late ex pedition; and also that the thanks of this committee be given to the many volunteers of the dif ferent counties who joined, and were marching and ready to co-operate with the volunteer company of this county.

2d. Resolved, That whoever shall be aiding, or

assisting, in the landing, or carting of such tea, from any ship, or vessel, or shall hire any house, store-house, or cellar or any place whatsoever, to deposite the tea, subject to a duty as aforesaid, he shall be deemed an enemy to the liberties of

America.

3d. Resolved, That whoever shall sell, or buy. or in any manner contribute to the sale, or pur chase of tea, subject to a duty as aforesaid, or shall aid, or abet, in transporting such tea, by land or water, from this city, until the 7th George III. chap. 46, commonly called the revenue act, shall

4th. Resolved, That whether the duties on tea, imposed by this act, be paid in Great Britain or in America, our liberties are equally affected.

facturers of England that many of them were un from any place whatsoever, into this colony, while employed. To appease their clamors, and to it is subject, by a British act to parliament, to the provide the subsistence for them, which the non-payment of a duty, for the purpose of raising a reimportation had deprived them of, the parliament, venue in America, he shall be deemed an enemy to in 1770, repealed so much of the revenue act as the liberties of America. imposed a duty on glass, painters' colors, and paper, and left the duty on tea, as a test of the parliamentary right to tax us. The merchants of the cities of New-York and Philadelphia, having strictly adhered to the agreement, so far as it related to the importation of articles subject to an American duty, have convinced the ministry, that some other measures must be adopted to execute parliamentary supremacy over this country, and to remove the distress brought on the East-India company, by the ill-policy of that act: Accordingly, to increase the temptation to the shippers of tea from England, an act of parliament passed the last session, which gives the whole duty on tea, the company were subject to pay, upon the importation of it into Eng-be totally and clearly repealed, he shall be deemed land, to the purchasers and exporters; and when an enemy to the liberties of America. the company have ten millions of pounds of tea, in their ware-houses, exclusive of the quantity they may want to ship, they are allowed to export tea, discharged from the payment of that duty, with which they were before chargeable. In hopes of aid in the execution of this project, by the influence of the owners of the American ships, application was made by the company to the captains of those ships to take the tea on freight; but they virtuously rejected it. Still determined on the scheme, they have chartered ships to bring the tea to this country, which may be hourly expected, to make an important trial of our virtue. If they succeed in the sale of that tea, we shall have no property that we can call our own, and then we may bid adieu to American liberty.Therefore, to prevent a calamity which, of all others, is the most to be dreaded-slavery, and its terrible concomitants-we, the subscribers, being influenced from a regard to liberty, and disposed to use all lawful endeavors in our power, to defeat the pernicious project, and to transmit to our posterity, those blessings of freedom which our ancestors have handed down to us; and to contribute to the support of the common liberties of America, which are in danger to be subverted, do, for those important purposes, agree to associate together, under the name and style of the sons of liberty of New York, and engage our honor to, and with each other, faithfully to observe and perform the following resolutions, viz.

5th. Resolved, That whoever shall transgress any of these resolutions, we will not deal with, or employ, or have any connection with him.

New-York, Nov. 29, 1773.

FROM THE BRISTOL (Eng.) GazetTE, MARCH 24, 1774. LORD CHATHAM's speech on the declaratory bill of the sovereignty of Great Britain over the colonies.

When I spoke last on this subject, I thought I had delivered my sentiments so fully, and support. ed them with such reasons, and such authorities,

that I apprehended I should be under no necessity of troubling your lordship again. But I am compelled to rise up and beg your further indulgence; I find that I have been very injuriously treated, have been considered as the broacher of new fangled doctrines, contrary to the laws of this kingdom, and subversive of the rights of parliament. My lord, this is a heavy charge, but more so when made against one stationed as I am, in both capacities, as P- and J-, the defender of the law and the constitution. When I spoke last, I was indeed replied to, but not answered. In the intermediate time many things have been said. As I was not have come to my knowledge. As the affair is of present, I must now beg leave to answer such as the utmost importance, and in its consequences 1st. Resolved, That whoever shall aid, or abet, may involve the fate of kingdoms, I took the or in any manner assist, in the introduction of tea, 'strictest review of my arguments; I reexamined all

my authorities; fully determined, if I found myself authority of this kingdom was more equally settled. mistaken, publicly to own my mistake, and give I am sure some histories of late published, have up my opinion. But my searches have more and done great mischief; to endeavor to fix the æra more convinced me that the British parliament when the house of commons began in this kingdom, have no right to tax the Americans. I shall not is a most pernicious and destructive attempt; to therefore consider the declaratory bill now lying fix it in an Edward's or Henry's reign, is owing to on your table; for to what purpose, but loss of the idle dreams of some whimsical, ill-judging time, to consider the particulars of the very antiquarians: But, my lord, this is a point too imexistence of which is illegal, absolutely illegal, portant to be left to such wrong-headed people. contrary to the fundamental laws of nature, con- When did the house of commons first begin? When! trary to the fundamental laws of this constitution my lord? It began with the constitution, it grew grounded on the eternal and immutable laws of up with the constitution; there is not a blade of grass nature; a constitution on whose foundation and growing in the most obscure corner of this king. centre is liberty, which sends liberty to every sub-dom, which is not, which was not, ever represented ject that is or may happen to be within any part of since the constitution began; there is not a blade its ample circumference. Nor, my lord, is the of grass which, when taxed, was not taxed by the doctrine new; it is as old as the constitution; it consent of the proprietor. grew up with it, it is its support; taxation and

There is a history written by one Carte, a history representation are inseparably united; God hath that most people see through; and there is another joined them, no British parliament can separate favorite history, much read and admired. I will them; to endeavor to do it is to stab our very vitals. not name the author, your lordship must know Nor is this the first time this doctrine has been whom I mean, and you must know from whence he mentioned; seventy years ago, my lord, a pamphlet pilfered his notions concerning the first beginning was published, recommending the levying a par- of the house of commons. My lord, I challenge liamentary tax on one of the colonies; this pamphlet any one to point out the time when any tax was was answered by two others, then much read; these laid upon any person by parliament, that person totally deny the power of taxing the colonies; and being unrepresented in parliament. The pariiawhy? because the colonies had no representatives ment laid a tax upon the palatinate of Chester, and in parliament to give consent: no answers, public ordered commissioners to collect it there, as comor private, was given to these pamphlets; no censure missioners were ordered to collect it in other coup. passed upon them; men were not startled at the ties; but the palatinate refused to comply; they doctrine, as either new or illegal, or derogatory to addressed the king by petition, setting forth, that the rights of parliament. I do not mention these the English parliament had no right to tax them; pamphlets by way of authority, but to vindicate that they had a parliament of their own; they had myself from the imputation of having first broached always taxed themselves, and therefore desired the this doctrine. king to order his commissioners not to proceed. My position is this-I repeat it-I will maintain My lord, the king received the petition; he did it to my last hour-taxation and representation are not declare them either seditious or rebellious, inseparable; this position is founded on the laws but allowed their plea, and they taxed themselves. of nature; it is more, it is itself an eternal law of Your lordship may see both the petition and the nature; for whatever is a man's own, is absolutely king's answer, in the records in the Tower. The his own; no man has a right to take it from him clergy taxed themselves; when the parliament without his consent, either expressed by himself or attempted to tax them, they stoutly refused, said representative; whoever attempts to do it, attempts they were not represented there; that they had a an injury; whoever does it, commits a robbery; he parliament of their own, which represented the throws down and destroys the distinction between clergy; that they would tax themselves; they did liberty and slavery. Taxation and representation so. Much stress has been laid upon Wales, before are coeval with, and essential to, this constitution. it was united as it now is, as if the king, standing I wish the maxim of Machiavel was followed, that in the place of the former princes of that counof examining a constitution, at certain periods, try, raised money by his own authority; but the according to its first principles; this would correct real facts are otherwise: For I find that, long beabuses and supply defects. I wish the times would fore Wales was subdued, the northern counties of bear it, and that men's minds were cool enough to that principality had representatives and a parlia enter upon such a task, and that the representative ment or assembly. As to Ireland, my lord, before

that kingdom had a parliament, as it now has, if to enable me to express myself in a manner worthy your lordship will examine the old records, you of their attention. A modesty, becoming my situawill find that, when a tax was to be laid on that tion, prevented me from offering my opinion becountry, the Irish sent over here representatives; fore, when I saw men of so much superior ability and the same records will inform your lordship rising from the beginning of the debate. what wages those representatives received from It may appear arrogant in a member so inferior their constituents. In short, my lord, from the as I confess myself to be, to offer objections to a whole of our history, from the earliest period, you bill, so extensive in its consequences under every will find that taxation and representation were consideration, especially after it must have been so always united; so true are the words of that maturely considered, in every article, by men so consummate reasoner and politician Mr. Locke. I distinguished by their talents and high situations before alluded to his book; I have again consulted in office, besides the general applause which has him; and finding that he writes so applicable to the followed the bill in its rapid progress through this subject in hand, and so much in favor of my senti- house. Nevertheless, though naturally diffident of ments, I beg your lordship's leave to read a little my opinion, when I had the good or bad fortune (I don't know which to term it) of prognosticating of his book.

"The supreme power cannot take from any man, to the chairman of the East-India company, the any part of his property without his own consent;" consequences of sending this tea, on their own acand B. II. p. 136-139, particularly 140. Such are count, to America, and that the event has literally the words of this great man, and which are well fulfilled my words, as it is well known to some memworth your lordship's serious attention. His prin-bers now in my eye, it makes me more confident in ciples are drawn from the heart of our constitu-warning the house of what I apprehend will be the tion, which he thoroughly understood, and will consequences of this bill.

I told the chairman of the East-Ihdia company, last as long as that shall last; and, to his immortal | honor, I know not to what, under Providence, the first in conversation, on asking my opinion, and revolution and all its happy effects are more owing afterwards by letter, that the evidence might apthan to the principles of government laid down by pear in the progress of things, that I conceived Mr. Locke. For these reasons, my lord,I can never the East-India company exporting tea on their give my assent to any bill for taxing the American own account was, under every consideration of colonies, while they remain unrepresented; for, as their situation and institution, wrong, but, under to the distinction of a virtual representation, it is the present discontents and disputed matters of so absurd as not to deserve an answer; I therefore government in America, CRIMINALLY ABsurd, bepass it over with contempt. The forefathers of cause they were presenting themselves as the butt the Americans did not leave their native country, in the controversy, where they would probably and subject themselves to every danger and dis- come off with the loss of the whole. The event tress, to be reduced to a state of slavery: they did has justified my prediction; for whatever re-paynot give up their rights; they looked for protec- ment the company may obtain from the town of tion, and not for chains, from their mother coun- Boston, under those cruel coercive measures now try; by her they expected to be defended in the proposed, (the effect of which I still doubt) yet the possession of their property, and not to be deprived company must remain great losers, even if the of it; for should the present power continue, there other provinces, equally culpable, are made to is nothing which they can call their own; or, to use refund the loss arising from their conduct; because the words of Mr. Locke, "what property have it was not supplies of cash at a distant period the they in that which another may by right take when he pleases to himself?"

LONDON, March, 1774. Governor Johnston's speech on the bill for blockading the town of Boston.

company wanted, but an IMMEDIATE SUPPLY, to

answer a temporary exigency, which a combination of the enemies of the company had produced. I now venture to predict to this house, that the effect of the present bill must be productive MR. SPEAKER-I find so much difficulty in pro- of a general confederacy, to resist the power of nouncing my sentiments at any time, that unless this country. It is irritating, tempting, nay inviting the house is kindly disposed to hear me at this men to those deeds, by ineffectual expedients, late hour, I shall patiently sit down, because I am the abortions of an undecisive mind, incapable of conscious it will require their greatest indulgence comprehending the chain of consequences which

must result from such a law.-I am not one of spirit which is distilled at Boston, the whole those who believe, that distant provinces can be Guinea trade will be affected, and in consequence retained in their duty by preaching or enchant- the sugar trade that depends upon it. In extendments; I believe that FORCE OF POWER, conducted ing this kind of puishment to the other colonies, with WISDOM, are the means of securing regular every one must see the danger; and yet, if it can obedience under every establishment, but that be approved for one, the same arguments will hold such force should never be applied to any degree good to approve or reject it respecting the other. of rigour, unless it shall carry the general approba But let any man figure to himself the consequences tion of mankind in the execution. However much to this country, if a similar punishment was applied such approbation may prevail at the particular to the colony of Virginia; £300,000 a year diminumoment in this house, it is impossible to believe tion in revenue, besides the loss of all the foreign the sense of Great Britain, or the sense of America, contracts, and perhaps of that beneficial trade forcan go to the punishing a PARTICULAR TOWN, for ever. Notwithstanding the general approbation resisting the payment of the tea tax, which is which has been given to this bill, and the loud universally ODIOUS throughout America, and is applauses which have been re-echoed to every held in ridicule and contempt by every thinking man in this country.-The question of taxing Ame. rica is sufficiently nice to palliate resistance, if the subject had never been litigated in this country; but, after the highest characters in the state had declared against the right of this country to impose taxes on America, for the purposes of revenue; after the general voice of the senate had concurred in REPEALING THE STAMP ACT, upon that principle; after those men, who had maintained these doctrines, had been promoted by his majesty to the first stations in the administration of civil and judicial affairs, there is so much mitigation to be pleaded in favor of the Americans, from those circumstances (allowing them in an error at present) that every man must feel the height of cruelty, by enforcing contrary maxims, with any degree of severity at first, before due warning is given

word of the noble lord in explaining it, yet no man will be bold enough to say, that this PARTIAL PUNISHMENT is a remedy for the general disease, and yet without knowing what is to follow, no man can be vindicated (even supposing the bill right in part) for giving his assent to it. Those gentlemen who are in the secrets of the cabinet, and know how assuredly every proposition from them is adopted by this house, may be excused for their sanguine acclamations in favor of the measure. But the general mass, who must be equally ignorant with myself of what is to follow, can have no excuse for giving their assent so readily for punishing their fellow subjects in so unprecedented a manner, and their eager zeal serves only to shew how ready they are to obey the will of another, without exercising their own judgment in the case. If the government of this country is resisted It is in vain to say that Boston is more culpable in America, my opinion is, instead of removing the than the other colonies; sending the ships from seat of government in the colony, and forcing the thence, and obliging them to return to England, elements to bend to our will, which is impossible, is a more solemn and deliberate act of resistance, that an effectual force should be carried to the than the outrage committed by persons in disguise, in the night, when the ship refused to depart.— That the blocking up of the harbor of Boston, to prevent the importation of British manufactures, or the exportation of goods which are to pay for them, is a measure equally absurd as if the parlia. ment here, upon the resistance which was made to their resolution, by the riots of Brentford, and other disturbances in the county of Middlesex, had decreed, by way of punishment, that the freehold ers should have been prohibited from sowing wheat. For whose benefit do the inhabitants of Boston toil and labor? The springs in the circle of commerce bear so nicely on each other, that few men can tell by interrupting one, the degree and extent to which the rest may be exposed.. By excluding the im. portation of molasses, and the exportation of that

heart of the colony resisting, to crush rebellion
in the bud, before a general confederacy can be
formed. In the present case we abandon the go-
vernment, and drive the inhabitants to despair,
leaving the multitude a prey to any ambitious spirit
that may arise. For my own part I am convinced,
from experience in the colonies, that good go-
vernment may be conducted there upon rational
grounds, as well as in this country; but the power
and means of governing, rewards and punishments,
are taken from your supreme executive magistrate
in every sense, and then you are surprised that all
order and obedience should cease,
can only be governed by their assemblies, as Eng-
land by the house of commons; the patent officers,
as well as those in the customs, which were formerly
given, at the recommendation of the governors, to

The colonies

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