and it never has succeeded. It ends infallibly in he ruin of the one country or the other, or in the last degree of wretchedness.

If there is any truth, my lords, in what I have said, and I most firmly believe it all to be true, let me recommend to you to resume that generous and benevolent spirit in the discussion of our differences which used to be the source of our union.

assured that out of all the sums raised in America uniformly adopted this equitable administration in the last year but one, if the expenses are deducted, all our distant provinces as far as circumstances which the natives would else have discharged would admit, it would have placed this country, themselves, the net revenue paid into the treasury for ages, at the head of human affairs in every to go in aid of the sinking fund, or to be employed quarter of the world. My lords this is no visionary, in whatever public services parliament shall think or chimerical doctrine. The idea of governing fit, is eighty-five pounds. Eighty-five pounds, my provinces and colonies by force is visionary and lords, is the whole equivalent we have received chimerical. The experiment has often been tried for all the hatred and mischief, and all the infinite losses this kingdom has suffered during that year in her disputes with North America. Money that is earned so dearly as this, ought to be expended with great wisdom and economy. My lords, were you to take up but one thousand pounds more from North America upon the same terms, the nation itself would be a bankrupt. But the most amazing and most alarming circumstances are still behind. We certainly did wrong in taxing them: when the It is that our case is so incurable, that all this stamp-act was repealed, we did wrong in laying on experience has made no impression upon us. And other taxes, which tended only to keep alive a yet, my lords, if you could but keep these facts, claim that was mischievous, impracticable and which I have ventured to lay before you, for a few useless. We acted contrary to our own principles moments in your minds (supposing your right of of liberty, and to the generous sentiments of our taxation to be never so clear) yet I think you must sovereign, when we desired to have their judges necessarily perceive that it cannot be exercised in dependent on the crown for their stipends as well any manner that can be advantageous to ourselves as their continuance. It was equally unwise to or them. We have not always the wisdom to tax wish to make the governors independent of the ourselves with propriety; and I am confident we people for their salaries. We ought to consider could never tax a people at that distance, without the governors, not as spies entrusted with the infinite blunders, and infinite oppression. And to management of our interest, but as the servants of own the truth, my lords, we are not honest enough the people, recommended to them by us. Our ears to trust ourselves with the power of shifting our ought to be open to every complaint against the own burthens upon them. Allow me therefore to governors; but we ought not to suffer the goverconclude, I think unanswerably, that the inconnors to complain of the people. We have taken a venience and distress we have felt in this change different method, to which no small part of our of our conduct, no less than the ease and tranquility difficulties are owing. Our ears have been open we formerly found in the pursuit of it, will force to the governors and shut to the people. This us, if we have any sense left, to return to the good must necessarily led us to countenance the jobs of old path we trode in so long, and found it the way interested men, under the pretence of defending of pleasantness. the rights of the crown. But the people are I desire to have it understood, that I am oppos- certainly the best judges whether they are well ing no rights legislature may think proper to claim: governed; and the crown can have no rights inI am only comparing two different methods of go-consistent with the happiness of the people. vernment. By your old rational and generous administration, by treating the Americans as your friends and fellow.citizens, you made them the happiest of human kind; and, at the same time, drew from them, by commerce, more clear profit than Spain has drawn from all its mines; and their If we have a right to govern them, let us exert growing numbers were a daily increase and addition it for the true ends of government. But, my lords, to your strength. There was no room for improve- what we ought to do, from motives of reason and ment or alteration in so noble a system of policy justice, is much more than is sufficient to bring as this. It was sanctified by time, by experience, them to a reasonable accommodation. For thus, as by public utility. I will venture to use a bold I apprehend, stands the case: They petition, for language my lords; I will assert, that if we had the repeal of an act of parliament, which they com

Now, my lords, we ought to do what I have suggested, and many things more, out of prudence and justice, to win their affection, and to do them public service.

plain of as unjust and oppressive. And there is suffered in more instances than one, both in interest not a man amongst us, not the warmest friend of and credit, by not choosing to give up points that administration, who does not sincerely wish that could not be defended. act had never been made. In fact, they only ask With regard to the people of Boston, I am free for what we wish to be rid of. Under such a dis- to own that I never approve of their riots nor their position of mind, one would imagine there could punishment: And yet, if we inflict it as we ought, be no occasion for fleets and armies to bring men with a consciousness that we were ourselves the to a good understanding. But, my lords, our aggressors, that we gave the provocation, and that difficulty lies in the point of honor. We must not their disobedience is the fruit of our own impru let down the dignity of the mother-country; but dent and imperious conduct, I think the punishpreserve her sovereignty over all the parts of the ment cannot rise to any great degree of severity. British empire. This language has something in I own, my lords, I have read the report of the it that sounds pleasant to the ears of Englishmen, lords' committees of this house, with very different but is otherwise of little weight. For sure, my sentiments from those with which it was drawn up. lords, there are methods of making reasonable concessions, and yet without injuring our dignity. Ministers are generally fruitful in expedients to reconcile difficulties of this kind to escape the embarrassments of forms, the competitions of

It seems to be designed, that we should consider their violent measures and speeches as so many determined acts of opposition to the sovereignty of England, arising from the malignity of their own hearts. One would think the mother-country had been totally silent and passive in the progress of

violences as the natural effects of such measures

dignity and precedency; and to let clashing rights sleep, while they transact their business. Now, the whole affair. I, on the contrary, consider these my lords, on this occasion can they find no excuse, no pretence, no invention, no happy turn of language, not one colorable argument for doing the greatest service they can ever render to their country? It must be something more than incapacity that makes men barren of expedients at such a

season as this. Do, but for once, remove this im

as ours on the minds of freemen. And this is the most useful point of view in which government can consider them. In their situation, a wise man

would expect to meet with the strongest marks of passion and imprudence, and be prepared to for. give them. The first and easiest thing to be done practicable stateliness and dignity, and treat the is to correct our own errors: and I am confident matter with a little common sense and a little good we should find it the most effectual method to corhumour, and our reconciliation would not be the rect theirs. At any rate let us put ourselves in work of an hour. But after all, my lords, if there the right; and then if we must contend with North is any thing mortifying in undoing the errors of America, we shall be unanimous at home, and the our ministers, it is a mortification we ought to wise and moderate there will be our friends. At submit to. If it was unjust to tax them, we ought present we force every North American to be our to repeal it for their sakes; if it was unwise to tax enemy; and the wise and moderate at home, and them, we ought to repeal it for our own. A matter those immense multitudes which must soon begin so trivial in itself as the three-penny duty upon tea, to suffer by the madness of our rulers, will unite but which has given cause to so much national to oppose them. It is a strange idea we have taken hatred and reproach, ought not to be suffered to up, to cure their resentments by increasing their subsist an unnecessary day. Must the interest, provocations; to remove the effects of our own ill the commerce, and the union of this country and conduct by multiplying the instances of it. But her colonies, be all of them sacrificed to save the the spirit of blindness and infatuation is gone credit of one imprudent measure of administra- forth. We are hurrying wildly on without any tion? I own I cannot comprehend that there is any fixed design, without any important object. We dignity either in being in the wrong, or in persist- pursue a vain phantom of unlimited sovereignty, ing in it. I have known friendship preserved, and which was not made for man: and reject the solid affection gained, but I never knew dignity lost by advantages of a moderate, useful, and intelligible the candid acknowledgement of an error. And, authority. That just God, whom we have all so my lords, let me appeal to your own experience of deeply offended, can hardly inflict a severer naa few years backward (I would not mention par- tional punishment than by committing us to the ticulars, because I would pass no censures and natural consequences of our own conduct. Indeed, revive no unpleasant reflections) but I think every in my opinion, a blacker cloud never hung over this candid minister must own, that administration has island.

To reason consistently with the principles of them to enjoy a little longer that short period of justice and national friendship, which I have en-public integrity and domestic happiness, which deavored to establish, or rather to revive what was seems to be the portion allotted by Providence to established by our ancestors, as our wisest rule of young rising states. Instead of hoping that their conduct for the government of America; 1 must constitution may receive improvement from our necessarily disapprove of the bill before us, for it skill in government, the most useful wish I can contradicts every one of them. In our present form in their favor, is that Heaven may long présituation every act of the legislature, even our acts serve them from our vices and our politics. of severity, ought to be so many steps towards the reconciliation we wish for. But to change the go

Let me add further-that to make any changes in vernment of a people, without their consent, is the their government, without their consent, would be highest and most arbitrary act of sovereignty that to transgress the wisest rules of policy, and to one nation can exercise over another. The Ro- wound our most important interests. As they in. mans hardly ever proceeded to this extremity, even crease in numbers and in riches, our comparative over a conquered nation, till its frequent revolts and strength must lessen. In another age, when our insurrections had made them deem it incorrigible. power has begun to lose something of its superiority, The very idea of it, implies a most abject and we should be happy if we could support our auslavish dependency in the inferior state. Recollect thority by mutual good will and the habit of comthat the Americans are men of like passions with manding; but chiefly by those original establishourselves, and think how deeply this treatment ments, which time and public honor might have must affect them. They have the same veneration rendered inviolable. Our posterity will then have reason to lament that they cannot avail themselves for their charters that we have for our Magna of those treasures of public friendship and conCharta, and they ought in reason to have greater. fidence which our fathers had wisely hoarded up, They are the title deeds to all their rights, both and we are throwing away. 'Tis hard, 'tis cruel, public and private. What! my lords, must these besides all our debts and taxes, and those enormous rights never acquire any legal assurance and expenses which are multiplying upon us every year, stability? can they derive no force from the peaceto load our unhappy sons with the hatred and curse able possession of near two hundred years? and of North America. Indeed, my lords, we are treatmust the fundamental constitution of a powerful We have mortgaged state be, forever, subject to as capricious altera-ing posterity very scurvily. tions as you think fit to make in the charters of a little mercantile company or the corporation of a borough? this will undoubtedly furnish matter for a more pernicious debate than has yet been moved. Every other colony will make the case its own.— They will complain that their rights can never be

all the lands; we have cut down all the oaks; we are now trampling down the fences, rooting up the seedlings and samplers, and ruining all the resources of another age. We shall send the next generation into the world, like the wretched heir of a worthless father, without money, credit or

ascertained; that every thing belonging to them friends; with a striped, incumbered, and perhaps

depends upon our arbitrary will; and may think it better to run any hazard, than to submit to the violence of their mother-country, in a matter in which they can see neither moderation nor end.

untenanted estate.

Having spoke so largly against the principle of the bill, it is hardly necessary to enter into the merits of it. I shall only observe that, even if we But let us coolly enquire, what is the reason of had the consent of the people to alter their governthis unheard of innovation. Is it to make them ment, it would be unwise to make such alterations peaceable? my lords, it will make them mad. Will as these. To give the appointment of the goverthey be better governed if we introduce this nor and council to the crown, and the disposal of change? will they be more our friends? the least all places, even of the judges, and with a power that such a measure can do, is to make them hate of removing them, to the governor, is evidently us. And would to God, my lords, we had governed calculated with a view to form a strong party in ourselves with as much economy, integrity and our favor. This I know has been done in other prudence, as they have done. Let them continue colonies; but still this is opening a source of perto enjoy the liberty our fathers gave them. Gave petual discord, where it is our interest always to them, did I say? they are co-heirs of liberty with agree. If we mean any thing by this establishourselves; and their portion of the inheritance has ment, it is to support the governor and the council been much better looked after than ours. Suffer against the people, i. e. to qurrrel with our friends,

that we may please their servants. This scheme of having peopled a continent without guilt or of governing them by a party is not wisely imagined, bloodshed, with a multitude of free and bappy it is much too premature, and, at all events, must commonwealths; to have given them the best arts turn to our disadvantage. If it fails, it will only of life and government; and to have suffered them, make us contemptible; if it succeeds, it will make under the shelter of our authority, to acquire in us odious. It is our interest to take very little peace the skill to use them. In comparison of this, part in their domestic administration of govern- the policy of governing by influence, and even the ment, but purely to watch over them for their good. pride of war and victory, are dishonest tricks and We never gained so much by North America as poor contemptible pageantry. when we let them govern themselves, and were content to trade with them and to protect them. One would think, my lords, there was some statute law, prohibiting us, under the severest penalties, to profit by experience.

My lords, I have ventured to lay my thoughts before you, on the greatest national concern that ever came under your deliberation, with as much honesty as you will meet with from abler men, and with a melancholy assurance, that not a word of it will be regarded. And yet, my lords, with your permission, I will waste one short argument more on the same cause, one that I own I am fond of, and which contains in it, what, I think, must effect every generous mind. My lords, I look upon North America as the only great nursery of freemen now Jeft upon the face of the earth. We have seen the liberties of Poland and Sweden swept away, in the course of one year, by treachery and usurpation. The free towns in Germany are like so many dying sparks, that go out one after another; and which must all be soon extinguished under the destructive greatness of their neighbors. Holland is little more than a great trading company, with luxurious manners, and an exhausted revenue; with little a strength and with less spirit. Switzerland alone is free and happy within the narrow inclosure of its rocks and vallies. As for the state of this country, my lords, I can only refer myself to your own secret thoughts. I am dispoed to think and hope the best of public liberty. Were I to describe her according to my own ideas at present, I should say that she has a sickly countenance, but I trust she has a long constitution.

We seem not to be sensible of the high and important trust which Providence has committed to liberty, that the world can now boast of, are now our charge. The most precious remains of civil lodged in our hands; and God forbid that we should violate so sacred a deposite. By enslaving your colonies, you not only ruin the peace, the commerce, and the fortunes of both countries, but you extinguish the fairest hopes, shut up the last asylum of mankind. I think, my lords, without being weakly superstitious, that a good man may hope that Heaven will take part against the execution of a plan which seems big not only with mischief, but impiety.

Let us be content with the spoils and the destruċtion of the east. If your lordships can see no impropriety in it, let the plunderer and oppressor still go free. But let not the love of liberty be the only crime you think worthy of punishment. I fear we shall soon make it a part of our natural character, to ruin every thing that has the misfortune to depend upon us.

No nation has ever before contrived, in so short space of time, without any war or public calamity (unless unwise measures may be so called) to destroy such ample resources of commerce, wealth and power, as of late were ours, and which, if they had been rightly improved, might have raised us to a state of more honorable and more permanent greatness than the world has yet seen.

Let me remind the noble lords in administration, that before the stamp-act, they had power sufficient to answer all the just ends of government, and they were all completely answered. If that is the power they want, though we have lost much of it at present, a few kind words would recover it all.

But whatever may be our future fate, the greatest glory that attends this country, a greater than any other nation ever acquired, is to have formed and nursed up to such a state of happiness those colonies But if the tendency of this bill is, as I own it apwhom we are now so eager to butcher. We ought pears to me, to acquire a power of governing them to cherish them as the immortal monuments of our by influence and corruption, in the first place, my public justice and wisdom, as the heirs of our bet-lords this is not true government, but a sophisticated ter days, of our old arts and manners, and of our kind, which counterfeits the appearance, but withexpiring national virtues. What work of art, or out the spirit or virtue of the true: and then, as it power, or public utility has ever equalled the glory ends to debase their spirits and corrupt their man

ners, to destroy all that is great and respectable in whom we owe, acknowledge, and will always joy. so considerable a part of the human species, and fully pay all due obedience and allegiance) and of by degrees to gather them together with the rest his royal predecessors, ever since the first settleof the world, under the yoke of universal slavery—ment of the province, until of very late time-have I think, for these reasons, it is the duty of every thought it necessary to uaite, as nearly as our cir. wise man, of every honest man, and of every Eng.cumstances will admit, with our sister colonies, in lishman, by all lawful means, to oppose it.

resolutions for the purpose aforesaid; and, therefore, do hereby agree, and bind ourselves, to and with each other, by all the ties and obligations of honor and reputation, that we will strictly and faithfully observe, and conform to the following

resolutions:

FIRST, That we will not, at any time hereafter, directly or indirectly, import, or cause to be im

Annapolis, June 29, 1769. Several of the counties having before entered into resulutions of non-importation of British superfluities, and the province, in general, being invited by the people of Anne Arundel county, to request some gentlemen from each county, to meet at this place, on the 20th instunt, in order that a general resolution of non-importation might be formed-There ported, any manner of goods, merchandize, or was accordingly a very full meeting, at which the following RESOLUTIONS were entered into; and it was agreed, that twelve copies should be printed and transmitted to each county, to be signed by the people, which, it is expected, will be done with great readiness throughout the province.

manufactures, which are, or shall hereafter be, taxed by act of parliament, for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, (except paper not exceeding six shillings per ream, and except such articles only as orders have been already sent for) but, that we will always consider such taxation, in every respect, as an absolute prohibition to the articles that are, or may be taxed.

We, the subscribers, his majesty's loyal and dutiful subjects, the merchants, traders, freeholders, mechanics, and other inhabitants of SECONDLY, That we will not hereafter, directly the province of Maryland, seriously considering or indirectly, during the continuance of the aforethe present state and condition of the province, said act of parliament, import, or cause to be imand being sensible that there is a necessity to ported, from Great Britain, or any other part of agree upon such measures, as may tend to dis-Europe, (except such articles of the produce or courage, and as much as may be, prevent the use manufacture of Ireland, as may be immediately and of foreign luxuries and superfluities, in the con legally brought from thence, and also, except all sumption of which we have heretofore too much such goods as orders have been already sent for) indulged ourselves, to the great detriment of our any of the goods herein after enumerated, to wit, private fortunes, and, in some instances, to the horses, spirits, wine, cyder, perry, beer, ale, malt, ruin of our families; and, to this end, to practice barley, peas, beef, pork, fish, butter, cheese, talourselves, and as much as possible, to promote, low, candles, oil, except Salad-oil, fruit, pickles, countenance, and encourage in others, a habit of confectionary, British refined sugar, mustard, coftemperance, frugality, economy, and industry, and fee, pewter, tin-ware of all kinds, whether plain considering also, that measures of this nature are more particularly necessary at this time, as the parliament of Great Britain, by imposing taxes upon many articles imported hither from thence, and from other parts beyond sea, has left it less in our power, than in time past, to purchase and pay for the manufactures of the mother-country; which taxes, especially those imposed by a late act of parliament, laying duties on tea, paper, glass, &c. we are clearly convinced have been im posed contrary to the spirit of our constitution, and have a direct and manifest tendency to deprive us, in the end, of all political freedom, and reduce us to a state of dependence, inconsistent with that liberty we have rightfully enjoyed under the go vernment of his present most sacred majesty, (to

or painted, waiters, and all kind of japan-ware, wrought copper, wrought and cast brass, and bellmetal, watches, clocks, plate, and all other gold and silversmiths' work, trinkets, and jewellery of all kinds, gold and silver lace, joiners' and cabinet work of all sorts, looking-glasses, upholstery of all kinds, carriages of all kinds, ribbons and millinery of all kinds, except wig.ribbon, lace, cambrick, lawn, muslin, kenting, gauze of all kinds, except Boulting-cloths, silks of all kinds, except raw and sewing silk, and wig cauls, velvets, chintzes, and calicoes of all sorts, of more than twenty pence per yard, East-India goods of every kind, except salt-petre, black pepper, and spices, printed linens, and printed cottons, striped linens, and cottons, check linens, and cotton checks of all kinds,