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the crown lawyers. Impreffed with this feeling, the duke of Leinster, in the houfe of lords, and his brother, lord Edward Fitzgerald, in the commons, put themfelves in the front of the minority. But, if government had lot fome of those fupporters from whom the had formerly obtained effential fervice, the had however found means to conciliate others who had lately been very active in the popular party. An amendment was moved to the addrefs to the fovereign by Mr. Flood, expreffing the confidence of parlia nent "that the king would be pleafed to extend his paternal care to the people of Ireland, aided by the counfels of minifters who had declared in favour of a parliamentary reform in Great Britain, in compliance with the wifhes of the people, and in confirmation of their happy constitution." The amendment was fupported by Mr. Brownlow, Mr. Corry and Mr. Molyneux; but it was oppofed by Mr. George Ogle, Mr. Dennis Browne, Mr. Robert Boyd, fir Boyle Roche, major Doyle, and Mr. Grattan. The laft of thefe delivered himself in a fpeech of confiderable length, in which he reprobated the late measures that had been purfued for the obtaining a parliamentary reform, though he was a moft fincere advocate for the reform itfelf.

The topics that were opened in the fpeech of the lord lieutenant extended to all those measures which it was intended the parliament fhould adopt in their prefent feffion. The duke of Rutland recommended the encouragement of agriculture and manufactures, and a particular at tention to the fisheries. He called upon parliament to confider what new provifions might be neceffary for the regulation of the police and the better execution of the laws. He observed that the uniformity of policy and religion, and a cominon intereft in treaties with foreign states, formed a fure bond of connection and attachment between Great Britain and Ireland. He recommended, in the king's name, to their earnest investigation thofe ob 'jects of trade and commerce between the two kingdoms which had had not yet received their complete adjustment, and he called upon them to frame a plan with a view to a final fettlement. Upon the fubject of the late meetings and affociations he spoke more at large. While he lamented the lawless outrages and unconstitutional proceed. ings which had taken place fince their laft prorogation, he had the fatisfaction to perceive that these exceffes were confined to a few places, and even there were condemned. And he had now the pleafure to obferve that by the falutary interpofition of the laws the general tranquility was re-established

The political face of the pailia ment of Ireland in the commencement of the prefent feflion, was fomething different from that which we have traced in our preceding volume. The rich and the fober, men of the utmoft moderation, and of the greatest weight in the kingdom, had felt a particular indignation against the late proceedings of

The congrefs of the nation of Ireland met on the fame day as that which was appointed for the opening of the feffion of parliament. There is a refemblance between the poiture of affairs we are defcribing, and what has been remarked refpecting the revival of literature in Europe. When poetry and the fine arts were originally invented, the ideas that fuggefted them were borrowed from the pure fources of

nature;

nature; and thus the first writers, a Homer, a Hefiod, and an Anacreon, were diftinguished by a certain timplicity and elegance of manner which has recommended their productions to the latest pofterity: but in the revival of letters the earlier authors did not poffefs the fame advantages. Introduc d with out any previous preparation to all the noblet remains of antiquity, they became as it were, intoxicated with the unbounded draught, their tafle was furfeited and vitiated inftead of being cultiva ed, and their fiyle became diftinguished for low conceits, defpicable puns, and unnatural antithefes; a char cter from which it was very long before literature completely emerged. In like manner, in the original ftructure of liberty in the republics of ancient Greece, the ideas of equality appear natural and fpontaneous, and encountered very little obftrucrion in their progrefs; but in the diffemination of their ideas in modern times, the foil in which they were to be fown feems to have been very ill prepared for their reception. Accordingly in the rifing States of America, we have met with fome indications of the imbecility of age, confounded and ftruggling with the efforts of commencing manhood: and in like manner in Ireland the defeription of the inhabitants and government of the country was particularly inaufpicious to the introduction o reform. We have already enumerated three caufes, which operated unfavourably to the plans for the melioration of the conflitution; the peculiar fituation of this country with refpect to religion; the riotous proceedings which originated in the non-importation agreement; and the direct discountenance of administration, in the proceedings by

attachment. Of all these causes the first was the most important. If, according to the common com putation, Ireland contains three millions of inhabitants, two millions and a half of these are probably difciples of the ancient reli gion; and while they are deprived of every privilege, and labour under every tigma, the rights of government and the immunities of men are exclufively confined to one fixth part of the nation. It was impoffible that any high and generous defcription of liberty could be obtained, unless this odious diftinction were previously removed. And accordingly the aggregate body of the citizens of Dublin in concert with feveral other towns of the kingdom, exerted in the courfe of the preceding fummer feveral very fpirited efforts for its deftruction. They were willing to exhibit a fingle example of unfufpecting confidence, to put power in the hand of their ancient adverfaries, and to dare then to be unjuft. But these efforts were not feconded; and in the prefent meeting of the congrefs which was much more numerous and refpectable than that which had preceded it, the plan of the national convention of volunteer delegates of November 1783, which vested the rights of citizens inclufively in proteftants, was adopted with a few minute and uneffential alterations. The congrefs fat with a few interruptions, from the twentieth of January to the fourth day of February following; and as an immediate application to parliament was conceived to be now premature, they on that day adjourned their fitting to the twentieth of April.

It had all along been the idea of government, by the firmnefs and decifion of countenance which they fhould affume, if pollible, to overA 3

bear

bear and to banish the fort of republican enthusiasm by which Ireland had been lately diffinguifhed. In conformity to this fcheme an addreis had been prepared and tranfmitted to the fovereign on the part of the city of Dublin, immediately previous to the meeting of parlia. ment, which treated the fubject in a much higher and more peremptory ftyle of difapprobation than the addrefs to the lord lieutenant of the fixteenth of October 1784. They might justly be deemed infentible to the bleffings they had deived under his majefty's aufpices, if they omitted this feafonable occafion of declaring their rooted abhorrence of every attempt to create unjuft and dangerous difcontents, tending to fubvert the conftitution in church and state. They looked forward with grateful confidence to the fytem or commercial intercourfe that was foon to be made public. They rejected with indignation the interference of any body of men unknown to the conftitution: and they were refolved to fuffer no affumed authority to dictate to the legislature of the land. This addrefs was figned by 21 peers and 1121 commoners. The ideas and language of this paper were alfo repeated in the meflage from the fovereign in anfwer to the addrefs of both houfes of parliament.

It was not till Monday the feventh of February, that Mr. Orde, fecretary to the lord lieutenant of Ireland, laid before parliament the plan which had been framed for finally adjufting the commercial intercourse between the two kingdoms. He called upon them with confidence to affist in cementing thofe materials, which might appear beft fuited to give ftrength and folidity to all the parts of the fabric; and to work over it a covering of

perpetual fhelter against the capricious gufts of jealousy and interestednefs. This was not the feafon to portend a principle fo injurious to the character and good fenfe of that country, as that the welfare of Ireland was to be fought only in partial attention and exclufive provifions. The event, he trufted, would prove the best refutation of the feditious papers in which the inhabitants of both countries were calumniated and mifreprefented; papers calculated to impofe upon popular credulity, and to anfwer the purpofes of men who were alike enemies to England and to Ireland.

Mr. Orde addreffed himfelf to an aflembly, the reprefentatives of a nation warm with generous feelings, and divefted of narrow partialities. He called upon them to recollect and give indulgence to the force of long accustomed enjoyment. They would, however interefled in the change of policy, make allowance for the constant folicitude with which Great Britain had guarded for herself a prefe. rence in the laws of navigation. They would attend to the very early period at which that preference had been formed, and by what steps it had fince gathered ftrength. They would form a judgment of the expence of blood and treasure with which he had fettled her colonies, and how naturally fhe might look to them with anxiety as objects of her peculiar care. They would then defcend to a period very little removed from the prefent, when, in the greatest need of every poffible affiftance and fupport, fhe liftened to their requeft, relaxed the principle of interested jealoufy, and imparted to Ireland the participation of this exclufive trade. That house had received the gift with due acknowledgment, and had justly greet

ed

ed the omen, the happy prefage of that victory, which affection had fince obtained over felf-intereft and prejuice.

The enlargement of the colony trade was only a part of the great fyftem he had to propofe. The next confideration which prefented itfelf was the adjustment of duties upon the commodities of the two countries, for the purpose of facilitating a mutual fupply. Thefe equitable principles of commerce were formerly not well understood. Im. pofts had been laid upon goods in their paffage from one district of the fame country to another. Partial restrictions had been tried as the means of giving fuccefs to partial favour; but local predilections had been found by experience to occafion general diftrefs and impoverment, with advantage only to a few interested monopolifts. Wifer had been thofe fpeculations, and more fortunate for the public had been the practice, where a community of interefts had encouraged a competition of induftry; and it might even be doubted, whether between rival states there were not more of political prejudice than of commercial wisdom, in fuppofing the ftrength of the one to be the confequent weakness of the other.

long duration the prefent difference refulting from fuperior capital and perhaps fuperior habits of industry and invention. These were circumftances which would diminish every year, and which might even be transferred to that country; while, by giving up as fhe did for ever the unfavourable conftruction of the navigation act, the British market was open to the fubjects of Ireland, and they might fupply it on the fame terms as the British merchants themfelves. There would no longer be any restraint on fpeculation, that powerful ftimulus to commercial vigour. Ireland from her happy fituation might become an emporium of trade, and Great Britain might be obliged to have recourfe to her for the fupply of her own confumption. Thus circum flanced, Mr. Orde conceived, he might rely upon the wisdom of the nation of Ireland, that they would think the trade which was imparted to them an object worth their care, and upon their generofity that they would contribute to the general defence of the empire. He concluded with obferving that he did not wish to prefs the parliament of Ireland to an immediate decifion, and he ac cordingly moved, that the confideration of the fyftem of commercial intercourfe fhould be refumed on the Friday following. The propo fitions were printed and delivered for the perufal of the members on Wednesday.

Mr. Orde enlarged with great energy upon the unequivocal liberality and the generous difintereftednefs of Great Britain in the ftructure of this fyftem It was unne ceffary for him to dwell upon thofe It was conceived however by objects of apprehenfion,which might have been magnified in the eyes of a lefs liberal nation: the preferable, commercial fituation of Ireland, its comparative cheapnefs in regard of the neceffaries of life, and the confequent diminished price of its labour. Nor could Great Britain confider as an advantage of any

feveral members of the houfe of commons, that more time was ncceffary for deciding upon a question of fo extreme magnitude. Adminiftration had been feverally called upon by Mr. Gardiner, Mr. Grif fith, and Mr. Hartley, previoufly to the production of the propofitions, to fuggeft to the house a geA 4

neral

neral outline of the fyftem in contemplation; but this requifition it had been thought proper to decline. On the Wednesday fubfequent to their being opened to the house, it was moved by Mr. Hartley, and feconded by Mr. Griffith, that the order for taking the fubject into confideration on Friday, fhould be difcharged, and that a new order should be made for that day sevennight. This motion was oppofed by Sir Hercules Langrifhe, on the ground of motives derived from the nature of the fyftem. The object of the arrangement was the benefit of Ireland. That kingdom was to be rescued from the ftate of fubjugation and inferiority in which it had long been held, and to be raifed to a full and generous equality with Great Britain. Could it then be neceffary, as fome gentlemen had fuggested, that they fhould confult their conftituents? Would they wait to ask the people in the North whether they would confent that a perpetual preference fhould be given to their linen manufacture? Was it neceffary to afk the merchants of Cork, Waterford and Belfaft, whether, when their fhips returned from the colonies, they would confent to have the market of England opened for their fale? Muft they afk the various manufacturers of Ireland, whether they were contented, that an unrestricted vent for their goods fhould be allowed in every part of Great Britain? The question did not admit of hesitation; and delay in this inftance would be as abfurd as it was impolitic. To thefe confiderations it was added by Mr. Bushe, that, if they let flip this opportunity, it would be loft for ever. The whole fabric of British monopoly was about to be thrown down in favour of Ireland. Should they then delay till the monopolifts were

roufed; till the manufacturers of Manchester, Glasgow and Paisley inftructed their members to oppofe the indulgence of Ireland; till the minifler was harraffed with addreffes from all parts of Britain, and their hopes were for ever buried in interested and univerfal clamour? The motion of Mr. Hartley was fupported by Mr. Flood, Mr. Brownlow, Mr. Molyneux, Mr. Corry, Mr. O'Neil and Mr. Longfield. It was oppofed by Sir Hen ry Cavendish, and Mr. Brooke member for the county of Donegal. The members upon the divifion were, ayes 37, noes 156.

That we may render more intelligible and perfpicuous the fort of debate that arofe on the different heads of the fyftem, we shall view the fyftem as confifting of three parts, the intercourfe of the two kingdoms relative to the productions of the colonies, their intercourfe relative to their own productions and manufactures, and the compenfation Ireland was to make for the benefit conferred, by the appropriation of the furplus of her hereditary revenue. To the first part only a trifling demur was fuggested by Mr. Corry. As fome productions of foreign countries paid a higher duty, as matters flood at prefent, coming from the place of their growth, than when they came through Britain, he was doubtful which of the two duties it was intended to adopt. Being however informed by Mr. Fofler, that the preference would certainly be giv. en to the lower duty, Mr. Corry chearfully acquiefced in this part of the fyftem.

The objections to the second head of the commercial arrangement were urged with more zeal and pertinacity. Thefe refted chiefly upon two confiderations: firft, that by

the

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