1 what Ireland had already done in the fame kind. In December 1779 that houfe had requested from Great Britain "a liberty to trade with her colonies, in like manner as trade was carried on between the mother country and the faid colonies." This demand having been granted, a clause was inferted in the preamble of all the Irish acts of parliament from the year 1980 to that time, including the prefent feffion, admitting and averring that "the trade between that kingdom and the British colonies could be enjoyed and have continuance, fo long and in fuch cafe only, as the goods of thofe colonies fhould be liable to equal duties and drawbacks, and be fubject to the fame fecurities, regulations and reftrictions, as they were liable to upon being imported into Great Britain." One of these statutes, paffed in the year 1782, after the reftitution of their contitutional rights, eft blish ed the principle in question in a much greater extent than the prefent bill. This statute, Mr. Hutchinfon obferved, had beer prepared by fome of the foremost affertors of the liberties of Ireland, the late chief baron Burgh, the prefent chief baron Yelverton, the prefent attorney general, and Mr. Grattan. A law, formed at fuch an important aera, by men of fuch high characters, was well entitled to their most ferious attention. By this ftatute "all fuch claufes and provifions in the laws of Great Britain concerting commerce, as conferred equal refraints and benefits, on the fubjects of both kingdoms, were accepted in Ireland; provided always that all fuch laws fhould bind the fubjects of Ireland fo long as they continued to bind the fubjects of Great Britain." Thus they gave to the British legiflature, the power of repealing laws of Ireland. At the fame time they adopted at once the acts of Great Britain for near three centuries; while the bill, which was now the fubject of so violent invective, was calculated to make every law, proposed for their adoption, a fubject of diftinct confideration in their own parliament, either during its progrefs, or foon after it had been paffed in Great Britain. The enumerated articles of American produce were obferved by Mr. Hutchinfon, to be fuch only as were of a fimilar nature with Britifh colonial produce, and which therefore, unless fubjected to the propofed duties, might under the prefent fyitem be imported into Great Britain as the produce of her colonies, with little probability of detection, and thus fubvert her whole colony fyftem. That nothing was farther from the intention of the British parliament, than to intrench upon the independence of the Irifh legiflature, was evident from this; that motions made on this occafion in both houses of that parliament, to regulate their trade with the ftates of America in fome articles not connected with the colony fyfiem, were rejected on this avowed principle, that Great Britain had no power to regulate any part of their foreiga commerce. third conftitutional objection, rela tive to the furplus of the hereditary revenue, Mr. Hutchinfon faid was founded in mifapprehenfion. It was no part of the bill that this grant fhould be fupported with a perpetual revenue bill. It would have been fupported with good faith; but, like the rest of their revenue, by annual bills, in aid of the arts of customs and excife, which were now perpetual. The objection refpecting the trade of the East Indies, The Was was not in reality a conftitutional queftion. In the provisions on this fubject they bartered commerce for commerce, and not commerce for conftitution. Mr. Hutchinfon could not difcover in any of thefe intances the fmallest particle of legiflative power, gained by Great Britain, or loft by Ireland. The former had always made laws to regulate the trade with her colonies and fettlements in Africa and America, and they had been followed by the latter; by this agreement the fame mode of proceeding was to continue. When a bill should be brought into either houfe of the Irish parliament relative to this fubject, would they not have the fame power over that as every other bill? Could they not amend any part or reject the whole? Could they not fay, the restraints and benefits are not equal, or though they are equal, they are not wife, and they fhall not be the law of Ireland? But then they rifked the agreement. So would the British legiflature if he made any law refpecting her colonies which Ireland fhould think unjuft. But the determination of the agreement would not neceffarily follow their varying or rejecting any bill; for the diffatisfaction of the British legiflature must be firft declared. If the conduct or Ireland fprung from a fufficient reafon, it was not improbable, that no fuch diffatisfaction would be declared; but that wife and moderate men might fuggeft fome expedient, or recommend fome middle courfe, that would be agrecable to both countries. For thefe realons Mr. Hutchinfon had thought, and continued to think, that there was no good reason on conftitutional grounds to vote against the introduction of the bill. Confidering the fubject as merely commercial, he thought that there were fiong reafons to induce him to vote for liberty to bring it in. In the proceedings upon fo important a fubject, difficulties and difterences of opinions must neceffarily have arifen among men of the best intentions. The propofitions of that houfe had been altered by the British houfe of commons, and their refolutions had again been amended by the lords of Great Britain. In the progrefs on the Irish bill the fulleft difcuffion had been intended. Every objection would have been heard, every well founded objection muit doubtless have been allowed, and every proper alteration made. Nothing final during that feffion had been ever in contemplation. The bill offered to Ireland many commercial advantages of the moit important nature. It fecured for ever the linen trade of that kingdom. The agreement effectually to favour their manufactures would have been of great value. The encouragement which it gave to their fail cloth manufacture would have occafioned an annual profit to a very great amount. The perpetual fupply of rock falt would have been ufeful to their victualling trade and the fisheries; of bark to their manufacture of leather, and of coals to all their manufactures. Mr. Hutchinfon alfo thought the circuitous colony trade would have been highly beneficial to that kingdom. The opening of the British market to their manufactures would have been in one refpect of the utmost importance; to wit, by the re-exportation of Irish manufactures from Great Britain, with a drawback of all duties. It became them therefore to reflect upon the advantages of having their manufac C 2 tures tures exported to all parts of the world by the capitals and credit of Great Britain. Mr. Hutchinfon however did not think, that the British markets would have produced confequences fo extenfive in favour of Ireland, as the jealoufy of fome of her manufacturers had predict ed. Ultimately fomething of this kind might have happened; and in that cafe it opened to them the best, the nearest and the most certain market in the world, and promoted the most beneficial of all trades, because the whole profits would belong to the fubjects of the fame empire, and becaufe a capital employed in a home trade, which this might justly be confidered, might be fent out and brought back many times, before the capital employed in a foreign trade could make one return. In all these particulars the advantages were on the fide of Ireland; and the questions that remained for the confideration of her parliament would have been, whether they thought it reasonable and juft to agree to the parts of the bill, that prevented their prohibiting the export of their yarn to Great Britain, and that related to the Eaft India trade. The firft of these would in reality have been an engagement not to relinquish a beneficial and profitable part of their commerce it would have been an agreement not to do that, which they would never do, though no fuch agreement exifted. By this export Ireland gained above 340,000l. per annum; and it was a manufacture, though an imperfect one, which employed great numbers of her people, for whom it would be dif. ficult to find any other employment. It was indeed objected, that Great Britain prohibited the expor tation of her yarn, and that there was no equality in their agreeing not to prohibit. To this Mr. Hutchin on answered, that the policy of that nation in this respect had been condemned by perfons of great commercial information; and that the prohibitions had been laid on to gratify the manufacturers of that country, who had been fometimes much mistaken in their opinions on this fubject. In 1698 they had petitioned, that the importation of all worsted and woollen yarn from Ireland fhould be prohibited, and reprefented that the poor of England were perishing by this importation. As to equality, it was to be estimated by the fum of advantages on each fide, and not by a comparison of each article feparately. The decifion of the matter of the Eaft India trade would have depended on the evidence of their merchants, as to the parts of the Eaft which were open to them, for no European fettlement there would admit them; and upon the queftion, whether any probable future advantages were of sufficient weight to prevent a commercial fettlement between the two kingdoms. The prefent offer of Great Britain upon this fubject amounted to the export of their manufactures t the Eaft, with all the duties drawn back, through the medium of her company; the benefit of whatever revenue fhould arife on India goods fent to Ireland; and an equal trade with Great Britain in her poffeffions in India, in the event of a diffolution of the company, in which company during its continuance they had an equal right with Britons of becoming adventurers, and from which they could purchase the produce of the Eaft at a public auction, on the fame terms as their fellow-fubjects of Great Britain, and and cheaper than at any other market. The propofitions indeed put certain restraints upon them in this refpect, and they alfo impofed reftraints on the British legiflature. But without fuch limitations no commercial agreement could ever be framed between two independent legislatures. Agreements to direct the channels in which trade fhould flow, or to commute the barren fpeculation of a poffible distant trade, which was now open to them, but which they were not now able to enjoy, and which perhaps might never be worth their having; for a beneficial trade, which was not open to them, and which they might acquire by the fufpenfion of an ufelefs right refumable at pleasure, would not be a relinquishment, but an enlargement of commercial freedom, and a juft and constitutional exertion of legiflative power for falutary purpoles. Mr. Hutchinfon inferred from the view he had taken of the fub ject, that, if Ireland fhould at laft be found to hefitate, whether to accept or not the colonial and domef tic markets of Britain, on terms equally beneficial with herself, he would venture to tell them, that no nation in Europe, which had no colonies of her own, would follow their example. When he reflected how long Scotland had endeavour ed to obtain from England the protection of her navigation laws, and the benefits of her colony trade; that what was now offered to be permanently granted to Ireland, without any infringement of her rights of legiflation, could not be purchafed by Scotland without the furrender of her legiflative fovereignty when he reflected with what effufions of public gratitude they had themselves received that very boon, which fome of them feemed now to difdain and fpurn; and how carefully and affectionately it had been cherished by their le giflature in the acts of every fuc ceeding feffion; he viewed with amazement the wonderful revolutions of human fentiments, and confidered the conftitutional jealoufy arifing from the propofed fyf tem of colonial legiflation, as one of thofe popular delufions, which had too often enflamed the paffions, and mifled the reafons of men. Mr. Hutchinfon called upon them to confider the prefent ftate of the British empire. Let them furvey their own country with an honeít pride, as a most important part of that empire. Confcious of their weight in the general scale, let thém not be too prone to fufpect, that any English miniftry would be mad enough to invade their liberties or to impair either their commercial or conftitutional rights. What was now the neceffary object of British counfels? To ftrengthen and connet the remaining parts of the empire. What were the principal means of effecting this? Multiplying the refources, increafing the wealth, promoting the population. and industry, and establishing the tranquility and contentment of Ireland. No two countries on the globe were more neceflary to the happinefs of each other than these islands. The man, who attempted to ferve the one at the expence of the other, would injure both. Such was obviously the wifh and the intereft of the enemies of the Britifh empire. It became them, to counteract their enemies, to cooperate with their friends, and to confolidate by a fair and equal fettlement the strength of the two kingdoms. Mr. Hutchinfon certainly wifhed to to confider himself as accountable to his conftituents for his parliamentary conduct. But on great national questions it was his duty to think, as well as to act for them. He was never more thoroughly convinced, that he had at no time given a vote of more beneficial tendency to the city of Cork, and he had no doubt, that his conftituents would hereafter view his conduct in that light. He affectionately regarded his fellow citizens, and there was nothing that he valued more than their esteem, except the lating interefts and happinefs of them and their pofterity. He defired only, that they might judge of the bill for themselves, and appreciate it by its own merit; and not view it through the medium of mif'reprefentation, which fo many men in both kingdoms had, or imagined they had an intereft in placing between the public and the real fubject for their confideration. The great principle of the bill, equal freedom in each kingdom to the merchants and manufacturers of the other, had been long his decided opinion. He called upon them to apply all the exertions of their knowledge and experience to this fubject; its importance deferved them all. Let them fhow their veteran and he would add their faith ful reprefentative, that any part of the measure injured their rights, as merchants, manufacturers or free men, and then let them fee whether any man would ufe more vigorous exertions for their fervice. But let them confider it with that temper and good fenfe with which their conduct had ufually been marked, and not fuffer. it, before it had been read or understood, to be encountered with violence and outrage. On the fifth of September the two houfes of parliament met pur fuant to their adjournment. On this occafion an addrefs was moved to the lord lieutenant in the house of lords by lord viscount Clifden, joint poftmafter general. By the addrefs they demanded permithion to approach his grace with the mott fincere expreffions of affection for his perfon and approbation of his adminiftration. They thanked him for the zeal which he had difplayed in fo illuftrious a manner, for augmenting the profperity of Ireland by cementing her union with Great Britain. Nothing could contribute fo much to the permanance of the benefits they at prefent enjoyed: nothing could more advantageoufly fecure the harmony, the ftrength and the stability of the empire; and they should esteem themselves mot happy, to have it in their power to profecute a plan, which might tend to this defirable end, under the aufpices of his grace, and with the concurrence of the nation, and to augment the luftre of his administration by its happy completion. The opportunity was embraced by lord Mountmorres to deliver his fentiments at large upon the commercial fyftem. He had been one of those, who had defired that an equalization of duties fhould take place between the two countries. It had been the idea of the wifest and most enlightened politicians who had treated of the fubject of commerce. An attempt had been made to introduce an arrangement of this fort between Great Britain and France, at the era of the treaty of Utrecht; but the commercial treaty, after having been figned by the commiffioners, was refufed to be ratified by the British houfe of commons. A fimilar adjustment was now on the tapis between the courts of London and Verfailles; but the steps for |