66

since, I know not how, I have taken a dislike to them; now I find myself again as I was at first, I like them, and I shall rejoice in meeting often with my people. In Christendom this day will gain me more credit than I should have obtained by gaining many battles." The same joy was manifested by the council; Buckingham thought he must, as well as Charles, express his high satisfaction; he congratulated the king on this happy agreement with parliament. This," said he," is far more than a subsidy; it is a mine of subsidies, that lie buried in the hearts of your subjects. And now, will your majesty deign to allow me to add a few words: I must own it, for a long time, I have lived in woe; sleep no longer gave me rest, nor fortune content, so deep was my sorrow to pass for the man who estranged the king from his people, and his people from him. Henceforth, it will be clear, that there were a few prejudiced minds who wished to represent me as an evil spirit, for ever coming between a good master and loyal subjects. With the favour of your majesty, I shall do all in my power to show myself as a beneficent spirit, for ever endeavouring to render to all good offices, offices of peace."

The secretary of state, Cooke, represented to the house the king's satisfaction, and the favour that in all things he promised to parliament *. The commons congratulated themselves on this;

i Parl. Hist. vol. ii. col. 274.

* April 7th, 1528.

but Cooke, with the improvident baseness of a courtier, also mentioned the duke of Buckingham, and his speech in the council: the house was offended by it. "Is there, then, a man,” said Sir John Elliot, "who dares to believe that his benevolence and his words will be an encouragement to us to fulfil our duties faithfully towards his majesty? or must it be supposed there is a man who could inspire his majesty with more kindness towards us than he would of himself be disposed to show us? I cannot believe it. I am ready to praise, even to thank whoever employs his credit and his efforts for the public good; but so much presumption goes against the customs of our fathers and our own honour; I cannot hear it without astonishment, nor let it pass without blaming it. I hope such an intervention will not be renewed: let us occupy ourselves in serving the king; we shall become, I hope, so useful to him that we shall want no assistance to gain his affection'."

This just pride appeared to Charles insolence, to Buckingham a sure symptom of new perils; yet neither one nor the other expressed their feelings, and the house continued its work.

The commons entered into a conference with the upper house to determine together with it the just rights of subjects, and to claim a new and solemn sanction of them from the king". Charles, informed of the designs which the commissioners

1 Parl. Hist. vol. ii. col. 275.

m

April 3rd, 1628.

of the commons manifested in these conferences, was greatly displeased. He exhorted the house to hasten the final vote of the subsidies, and his minister added: "I must tell you, with sorrow, it has come to the ears of his majesty, that it was proposed, not only to declaim against the excess of power, but against power itself: this very closely touches the king, and us also whom his hand upholds. Let us talk to the king on the errors that may have slipped into the exercise of his authority, and he will hearken to us; but do not let us speak against the extent of his prerogative: he wishes to redress its faults, but not to mutilate its rights "."

On their side, the peers, either servile or timid, persuaded the commons to be contented with asking the king for a declaration, stating, that the great Charter, with the statutes that confirmed it, were in full force, that the liberties of the English people existed the same as in past times, and that the king would only make use of his prerogative for the benefit of his subjects o.

The king assembled both houses in a solemn meeting, and declared that he looked upon the great Charter as inviolate, the ancient statutes as inviolable, and invited them to depend on his royal word for the preservation of their rights, in which, he said, they would find more security than any new law could give them ".

n

April 12th, 1628; Parl. Hist. vol. ii. col. 278.

April 23rd, 1628; ibid. vol. ii. col. 329.

P April 28th, 1628; ibid. vol. ii. col. 332.

The commons would neither be intimidated nor seduced the recent doings had braved the might and passed beyond the foresight of ancient laws; new and explicit guarantees were required which should be invested with the sanction of the whole parliament. It was nothing to have only vaguely renewed promises, so often broken, statutes so long forgotten. Without much debate, respectfully, but immovable, the house drew up the famous bill, known under the name of the 'Petition of Rights,' adopted it, and transmitted it to the upper house to receive its assent ".

The lords had nothing to say against a bill that consecrated only acknowledged liberties, or repressed abuses universally reproved. Yet the king persisted in his answer, urging that they should trust in his word. He offered to confirm, by a fresh bill, the great Charter and the ancient statutes; addressing counsel upon counsel to the peers, message upon message to the commons; deeply irritated, but prudent and mild in his speech, he still proclaimed his firm resolution to suffer no restriction in any of his rights, and again promised never to abuse them.

The perplexity of the peers was great: how could the liberties of the people be secured without depriving the king of absolute power? That was the question. An amendment was attempted: the bill was adopted with this addition: "We humbly present this petition to your majesty,

9 May 8th, 1628.

not only with a care of preserving our own liberties, but with due regard to leave entire that sovereign power, with which your majesty is trusted for the protection, safety, and happiness of your people"."

When the bill thus amended was returned to the commons, "Let us look at our precedents," said Mr. Alford, "and see what they contain: what is sovereign power? according to Bodin, it is that which is free from all condition. We, then, acknowledge a legal power and a royal power; let us give the king what the law gives him, nothing more." "I am unable," said Pym, "to speak on this question, for I know not on what it rests; our petition claims the laws of England; and we have here a power distinct from that of the laws; where will it be found? nowhere; neither in the great Charter nor in any statute; where should we take it from to grant it?" "If we adopt this amendment," ," said Sir Thomas Wentworth, "we shall leave things in a worse condition than they are in at present; we shall acknowledge in a law that sovereign power which our laws have never known "."

The house remained firm; the public encouraged it; the peers, too timid to claim liberty openly, were at the same time afraid to give a full sanction to tyranny. The amendment

r May 17th, 1628; Parl. Hist. vol. ii. col. 355.