where the parliament were soon to assemble. The Scottish commissioners hastened thither, certain of meeting there many powerful allies. The elections were going forward all over England; the nation was eager for the result; the court, dispirited and sad, in vain sought to exercise some influence over them; their candidates, who were but feebly supported, met with repulses on all sides; even Sir Thomas Gardiner, whom the king wished to be speaker, was defeated. The meeting of parliament was fixed for the 3rd of November. Some advised Laud to choose another day, urging that as an unlucky one; for under Henry the Eighth, when the parliament had met on that day, they began by the ruin of cardinal Wolsey, and ended by the destruction of the monasteries ". Laud disregarded these omens, not that he was confident, but he was weary of the struggle, and like his master abandoned all to chance and futurity. Little, however, did either party suspect what that future would bring to pass.

t Clarendon, Hist. of the Rebellion, vol. ii. p. 2; Whitelocke, p.

ON the appointed day the king opened parliament. He went to Westminster without pomp, almost without retinue, not on horseback and along the streets, as usual, but by the Thames, in a plain boat, and shunning all eyes, like one who follows the triumph of his conqueror. His speech was vague and confused. In it he promised to redress all grievances; but he persisted in calling the Scots 'rebels', and demanded that they should be driven from the kingdom, as if the war had not been over. The commons listened with cold respect. Never at the beginning of a session had their number been so great; never had they assumed so proud a mien in presence of the sovereign a.

As soon as the king was gone, the few in the house who were devoted to him, soon discovered

a

Clarendon, Hist. of the Rebellion, vol. ii. p. 1-4, col. 629.

by the conversation of the different groups, that the public wrath surpassed even what they had feared. The dissolution of the last parliament had incensed even the most moderate. None

spoke of conciliation or prudence. The day was now come, they said, when they should employ the whole power they possessed, and eradicate all abuses in such a manner that not one should grow up again. Thus with very unequal strength, though with thoughts equally haughty, the two powers met. For eleven years the king and the church had proclaimed themselves entitled by right to absolute and independent sovereignty; and they had attempted every thing to make the nation endure its sway. In this they had been unsuccessful, yet they reiterated the same maxims, and in their adversity came to seek help from an assembly, who, without establishing it as a principle, and without affecting any display, also believed in their own sovereignty and felt themselves capable of exercising it.

They began by setting forth all their grievances. Each member who arrived was the bearer of a petition from his town or county; he read it immediately, made it the subject of his speech, and requested that, at least, till more efficacious measures could be adopted, the house should vote the complaints to be lawful. Thus, in a few days, the opinions of the whole country

b Parl. Hist. vol. ii. col. 640-666.

were known. Thus all tyrannical acts, monopolies, ship-money, arbitrary arrests, the usurpation of the bishops, and the proceedings of the courts of exemption, were suddenly reviewed and condemned. None opposed these proceedings; such was their unanimity, that several resolutions were adopted on the motion of men, who, soon after, became the most intimate confidants of the king".

As if these means were not sufficient to reveal the whole, more than forty committees were appointed to inquire. into abuses and to receive complaints. Day after day, tradesmen and farmers came, on horseback, in whole bands to state other grievances in the name of their towns or districts. In every quarter the people were incited to bring forward charges from the pulpit as well as in other public places; and it was eagerly received from whomsoever it came, and admitted with equal confidence, whether the whole government was arraigned or the conduct of some individual whose punishment was demanded. The power of the committees knew no limits; no one dared to condemn them even by silence, and the members of the privy council themselves were obliged to answer for their proceedings ".

c Parl. Hist. col. 672.

Sir John Colepepper, lord Digby, lord Falkland, etc.

e Rushworth, part 2. vol. i. p. 28; Neal, Hist. of the Puritans,

vol. ii. p. 318.

f Whitelocke, Memorials, etc. p. 36.

* Clarendon, Hist. of the Rebellion, vol. ii. p. 43.

6

With the disapprobation of deeds was connected the entire proscription of their authors. Every agent of the crown, of what rank soever, who had taken a part in the execution of those measures which were complained of, was marked by the name of delinquent.' In every county a list of these delinquents was drawn up. No uniform and definitive punishment was pronounced against them; but they could, at any time, at the pleasure of the house, be summoned to appear and be condemned to fines, imprisonment, or confiscation.

In verifying their own elections, the house voted that whoever had taken part in any monopolies, was unworthy to take a seat among them. Four members were on this account excluded. Several others were also expelled under the pretext of some irregularities, but, in fact, without any legal disqualification, but only because their opinions were suspected. Two of the most noted monopolists, Sir Henry Mildmay and Mr. Whitaker, were admitted without obstacle; they had come over to the parliament 1.

At the aspect of this immense power, so unexpected, so violent, all the servants of the crown, and all those who had enemies or who were conscious of offence, were stricken with fear. They were accused on all sides and knew not where to

h Clarendon, Hist. of the Rebellion, vol. ii. p. 14.

1 November 9th, 1640.

k January 21st, 1641.

1 Parl. Hist. vol. ii. col. 651, 656, 707; Clarendon, Hist. of the Rebellion, vol. ii. p. 13.