which composed those territories, seven only effectually confederated to preserve their liberties, or to perish in the attempt. They saw Philip the most powerful prince in the Old World, and master of Mexico and Peru in the Newnations incessantly pouring into his territories floods of gold and silver. They saw him possessed of the best troops and the most formidable navy in the universe, and aiming at no less than universal monarchy. But these seven provinces, making but a speck upon the globe, saw themselves without armies, fleets, or funds of money-yet nobly relying upon Providence and the justice of their cause, they resolved to oppose the tyrant's whole force, and at least deserve to be free. They fought, they bled, and were often brought to the door of destruction. But they redoubled their efforts in proportion to their danger. And the inhabitants of that speck of earth compelled the master of dominions so extensive that it was boasted the sun was never absent from them, to treat them as a free and independent people!

For a moment, and with the aid of a fearful imagination, let us suppose that the American States are now as defenceless as the Hollanders then were; and that the king of Great Britain is now as powerful as Philip then was. Yet even such a state of things could not be a plea for any degree of submission on our part. Did not the Hollanders oppose their weakness to the strength of Spain? Are not the Americans engaged in as good a cause as the Hollanders fought in? Are the Americans less in love with liberty than the Hollanders were? Shall we not in this, a similar cause, dare those perils that they successfully combated? Shall we not deserve freedom? Our past actions presage our future achievements, and animate us in our military efforts for peace, liberty and safety.

America is possessed of resources for the war, which appear as soon as inquired after; are found only by being sought for; and are but scarce imagined even when found. Strong in her union, on each coast and frontier she meets the invaders, whether British or Indian savages, repelling their allied attacks. The Americans can live without luxury. They engage in the war from principle. They follow their leaders to battle with personal affection. Natives of the climate, they bear the vicissitudes and extremities of the weather. Hardy and robust, they need no camp equipage, and they march with celerity. From such a people, everything is to be hoped for, nothing is to be doubted of. Such a people, though

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young in the practice of war, were ever superior to veteran troops-and if the conduct of America is worthy of herself, I see no cause to fear the enemy. However, in such a conflict, we ought to expect difficulties, dangers and defeats. Let us remember, that it was to the danger in which the Roman state was reared, that she owed her illustrious men and imperial fortune. The Roman dignity was never so majestic, her glory never so resplendent, her fortitude and exertions never so conspicuous and nervous, as when, Hannibal, in the successive battles of Trabia, Thrasymenus and Cannæ, having almost extirpated their whole military force, the very state was on the brink of dissolution. The Romans deserved, and they acquired victory!

Ex. LVI.-SONG OF MARION'S MEN.*

WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT.

OUR band is few, but true and tried,
Our leader frank and bold;

The British soldier trembles

When Marion's name is told.
Our fortress is the good greenwood,
Our tent the cypress tree;
We know the forest round us,
As seamen know the sea.
We know its walls of thorny vines,
Its glades of reedy grass,

Its safe and silent islands
Within the dark morass.

Woe to the English soldiery

That little dread us near!

* Francis Marion, a general in the Revolutionary war, was no less distinguished by his personal-valor and the extraordinary influence he acquired over the soldiers under his command, than by his skill in conducting military operations. He had, like Washington, served in the French and Indian war, and brought into the war of Independence the experience gained in his previous service. He was what would be called at the present day a "raider," and the attachment between himself and his soldiers was of a closer and more personal nature than that which is formed under the ordinary routine of military discipline. The marshy country between the Pedee and Santee rivers, in South Carolina, was the scene of his principal operations.

On them shall light at midnight
A strange and sudden fear:
When waking to their tents on fire
They grasp their arms in vain,
And they who stand to face us
Are beat to earth again.
And they who fly in terror, deem
A mighty host behind,

And hear the tramp of thousands
Upon the hollow wind.

Then sweet the hour that brings release

From danger and from toil;

We talk the battle over,

And share the battle's spoil.

The woodland rings with laugh and shout, As if a hunt were up,

And woodland flowers are gathered

To crown the soldier's cup.

With merry songs we mock the wind
That in the pine-top grieves,

And slumber long and sweetly

On beds of oaken leaves.

Well knows the fair and friendly moon

The band that Marion leads

The glitter of their rifles,

The scamper of their steeds.
'Tis life to guide the fiery barb
Across the moonlight plain;
"Tis life to feel the night-wind
That lifts his tossing mane.
A moment in the British camp-
A moment-and away!
Back to the pathless forest
Before the peep of day.

Grave men there are by broad Santee,

Grave men with hoary hairs,

Their hearts are all with Marion,
For Marion are their prayers.
And lovely ladies greet our band
With kindest welcoming,

I THINK I know America. If I do not, my ignorance is incurable, for I have spared no pains to understand it; and I feel most solemnly assured that everything that has been done there has arisen from a total misconception of the object that our means of originally holding America, of reconciling with it after quarrel, of recovering it after separation, of keeping it after victory, did depend, and must depend upon a total renunciation of that unconditional submission which has taken such possession of the minds of violent men. Nothing, indeed, can place us in our former situation. That hope must be laid aside. But there is a difference between bad and the worst of all.

If I had not lived long enough to be little surprised at anything, I should have been in some degree astonished at the continued rage of several gentlemen, who, not satisfied with carrying fire and sword into America, are animated with nearly the same fury against those neighbors of theirs, whose only crime it is that they have charitably and humanely wished them to entertain more reasonable sentiments, and not always to sacrifice their interest to their passion.

is

All this rage against unresisting dissent convinces me, that at bottom, they are far from satisfied that they are in the right. For what is it they would have? A war? They certainly have at this moment the blessing of something that very like one; and if the war they enjoy at present be not sufficiently hot and extensive, they may shortly have it as warm and as spreading as their hearts can desire. Is it the force of the kingdom they call for? They have it already; and if they choose to fight their battles in their own person,

nobody prevents their setting sail to America in the next transport. Do they think that the service is stinted for want of liberal supplies? Indeed, they complain without_reason. The table of the House of Commons will glut them, let their appetite for expense be never so keen. And I assure them further, that those who think with them in the House of Commons are full as easy in the control, as they are liberal in the vote of these expenses. If this be not supply or confidence sufficient, let them open their own private purse strings and give, from what is left to them, as largely and with as little care as they think proper.

I am charged with being an American. If warm affection towards those over whom I claim any share of authority, be a crime, I am guilty of this charge. But I do assure you (and they who know me publicly and privately will bear witness to me), that if ever one man lived, more zealous than another for the supremacy of parliament, it was myself. But in the comprehensive dominion which Divine Providence has put into our hands, it is our duty, in all soberness, to conform our government to the character and circumstances of the several peoples who compose this mighty and strangely diversified mass. If there be one fact in the world perfectly clear, it is this: "That the disposition of the people of America is wholly averse to any other than a free government; " and this is indication enough, to any honest statesman, how he ought to adapt any power he finds in his hands, to their case. If any ask me what a free government is, I answer that, for any practical purpose it is what the people think so; and that they, and not I, are the natural, lawful and competent judges of this matter. If they practically allow me a greater degree of authority over them than is consistent with any correct ideas of perfect freedom, I ought to thank them for so great a trust and not to endeavor to prove from thence, that they have reasoned amiss, and that having gone so far, by analogy, they must hereafter have no enjoyment but by my pleasure.

It is impossible that a nation should remain long in a situation which breeds such notions and dispositions, without some great alteration in the national character. Many things have been long operating towards a gradual change in our principles, but this American war has done more in a very few years than all the other causes could have effected in a century. It is not, therefore, on its own separate account, but because of its attendant circumstances, that I con